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Wvc  Sbeologiaf  g 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 


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Purchased  by  the  Hamill  Missionary  Fund. 


Division 


t3.Crl3 


Section 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2016 


https://archive.org/details/crisisinchinaOOunse 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  Bazar 

DOWAGER  EMPRESS  OF  CHINA 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA 


BY 

GEORGE  B.  SMYTH  ; REV.  GILBERT 
REID;  CHARLES  JOHNSTON  ; JOHN 
BARRETT;  ROBERT  E.  LEWIS 
ARCHIBALD  R.  COLQUHOUN;  M. 
MIKHAILOFF;  REAR-ADMIRAL 
LORD  CHARLES  BERESFORD ; HIS 
EXCELLENCY  WU  TING- 
FANG  ; DEMETRIUS  C.  BOULGER 
GENERAL  JAMES  H.  WILSON 
THE  RT.  HON.  SIR  CHAS.  W.  DILKE 


Reprinted  by  permission  from 
The  North  American  Review 


WITH  MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW  YORK  AND  LONDON 

HARPER  & BROTHERS  PUBLISHERS 
1900 


Copyright,  1900,  by  The  North  American  Review. 


All  rights  reserved. 


CONTENTS 


PAGH 

Causes  of  Anti-Foreign  Feeling  in  China  ....  3 

By  George  B.  Sinyth,  President  of  the  Anglo-China  Col- 
lege, Foochow. 

The  Powers  and  the  Partition  of  China  ....  35 

By  Rev.  Gilbert  Reid,  I).D.,  President  International 
Institute  of  China,  Peking. 

The  Struggle  for  Reform  in  China 53 

By  Charles  Johnston,  Bengal  Civil  Service  (Retired). 

Political  Possibilities  in  China 79 

By  John  Rarrett,  Late  United  States  Minister  to  Siam. 

The  Gathering  of  the  Storm 95 

By  Robert  E.  Lewis. 

The  Far  Eastern  Crisis 109 

By  Archibald  R.  Colquhoun. 

The  Great  Siberian  Railway 137 

By  M.  Mikhailoff. 

China  and  the  Powers 169 

By  Rear-Admiral  Lord  Charles  Beresford,  R.N.,  C.B. 

Mutual  Helpfulness  Between  China  and  the  United 

States 189 

By  His  Excellency  Wu  Ting-Fang,  Chinese  Minister  to 
United  States. 

iii 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

America’s  Share  in  a Partition  of  China  ....  215 

By  Demetrius  C.  Boulger. 

America’s  Interests  in  China 239 

By  General  James  H.  Wilson,  U.S.V.A. 

The  American  Policy  in  China 265 

By  The  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Charles  W.  Dilke,  Bart,  M.P. 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


DOWAGER  EMPRESS  OF  CHINA Frontispiece 

MAP  OF  THE  EMPIRE  OF  CHINA Facing  p.  vi 

EMPEROR  OF  CHINA “ 12 

THE  TAKU  FORTS “ 38 

THE  GREAT  SOUTH  GATE,  PEKING “ 54 

THE  UNITED  STATES  CONSULATE,  TIEN-TS1N  ...  “ 68 

CONSULATE  HILL,  CHEFOO “ 82 

A COMPANY  OF  CHINESE  INFANTRY “ 98 

VICTORIA  ROAD,  EUROPEAN  QUARTER,  TIEN-TSIN  . “ 1 12 

VIEW  FROM  THE  TARTAR  CITY  WALL,  PEKING  . . “ I30 

A PANORAMA  OF  VLADIVOSTOK “ 142 

M.  S.  PICHON,  FRENCH  MINISTER } 

SIR  CLAUDE  MACDONALD,  BRITISH  MINISTER  .V,  . “ 1 72 

EDWIN  H.  CONGER,  UNITED  STATES  MINISTER  \ 

CHINESE  MINISTER  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES,  WU 

TING-FANG “ 196 

LI  HUNG  CHANG “ 202 

MAP  OF  A FORECAST  OF  THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA  “ 2l6 

EDWIN  H.  CONGER,  UNITED  STATES  MINISTER  TO 

PEKING “ 242 

MINISTER  CONGER’S  CART,  AND  LADIES  OF  THE  LE- 
GATION   “ 254 


V 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING 
IN  CHINA. 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING 
IN  CHINA. 

What  are  the  causes  of  the  present  anti- 
foreign  outburst  in  North  China,  and  what  are 
the  reasons  for  the  bitter  anti-foreign  spirit  which 
prevails  throughout  the  Empire,  and  which  is 
kept  from  springing  into  universal  action  only  by 
the  firmness  of  some  enlightened  and  far-seeing 
Viceroys  ? I wish  to  answer  both  these  questions, 
and  in  the  order  in  which  I have  here  stated  them  ; 
though  it  would  probably  be  more  logical  to 
answer  the  more  general  question  first,  as  the 
present  situation  is  to  a large  extent  but  a spe- 
cially malignant  outbreak  of  a disorder  which 
infects  the  whole  Chinese  system.  Nevertheless, 
as  the  terrible  crisis  in  North  China  is  the  subject 
of  more  immediate  interest,  it  will  not  be  in- 
appropriate to  consider  it  before  taking  up  the 
larger  subject  which  the  second  question  presents. 
In  discussing  these  questions,  my  chief  desire  is 
to  be  entirely  fair;  and  yet  it  may  happen  that 


4 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


some  will  think  me  too  warm  an  advocate  of  the 
Chinese.  I shall,  indeed,  have  to  present  the 
Chinese  side,  since  no  one  can  justly  write  of 
the  antagonism  of  China  toward  foreigners  with- 
out showing  how  large  a share  the  foreigners 
themselves  have  had  in  producing  it.  The  subject 
is  on  that  account  not  a pleasant  one  for  us  of  the 
West  to  think  of;  for,  in  studying  it,  we  shall 
see  much  to  be  ashamed  of,  and  find  that  much 
of  the  prejudice  and  hatred  of  Western  men  and 
Western  institutions  of  which  we  so  bitterly  com- 
plain in  the  Chinese  is  due  to  ourselves,  to  the 
way  in  which  we  introduced  ourselves  among 
them,  and  to  the  way  in  which  we  have  often 
since  treated  them.  Western  injustice  toward 
the  East  is  the  cause  of  much  of  the  Eastern 
hatred  of  the  West.  Nay,  more,  it  will  be  seen 
that,  when  we  were  moved  by  the  purest  and 
loftiest  motives,  we  did  not  succeed  in  making 
ourselves  welcome.  Through  ignorance  or  zeal 
or  the  coincidence  of  unhappy  accidents,  our  very 
benevolence  has  itself  been  misunderstood  and 
offensive. 

The  first  question,  as  to  the  causes  of  the  pres- 
ent anti-foreign  outbreak  in  North  China,  may 
be  put  in  another  form : Who  are  the  Boxers,  and 
how  and  why  have  they  become  what  they  are? 
For  these  people  are  everywhere  considered  the 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING. 


5 


cause  of  the  present  disturbance,  and  the  chief 
agents  in  its  murderous  crusade  against  for- 
eigners. 

The  Boxers  are  a patriotic  secret  society;  but, 
as  in  the  case  of  all  other  such  associations  in 
China,  their  origin  and  history  are  difficult  to 
trace.  Though  it  is  but  a year  since  the  society 
began  to  attract  public  attention  by  its  depreda- 
tions against  foreigners,  it  is  said  to  have  been 
in  existence  for  several  years.  It  seems  at  first 
to  have  been  partly  an  athletic  association,  and 
partly  a kind  of  mutual  protective  organization, 
for  defense  against  the  roving  bands  of  robbers 
which  sometimes  infest  the  province  of  Shan- 
tung; and  it  was  called  by  the  name  which  has 
sinGe  become  infamous,  the  “ Righteous  Harmo- 
nious Fist,”  translated  for  brevity  by  the  short 
and  expressive  word  “ Boxers.”  It  is  certain 
that  it  showed  no  special  hostility  toward  the 
native  Christians,  and  gave  no  trouble  to  mission- 
aries or  other  foreigners.  The  question,  then,  is 
how  to  account  for  the  change  which  made  of 
this  society  of  men,  associated  to  oppose  the  law- 
lessness of  freebooters,  the  most  cruel  and  blood- 
thirsty anti-foreign  organization  in  the  history 
of  China.  The  reasons  must  be  sought  in  the 
recent  history  of  Shan-tung,  and  they  are  not 
hard  to  discover. 


6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Up  to  the  fall  of  1897,  Shan-tung  enjoyed  an 
excellent  reputation  for  its  treatment  of  foreign- 
ers and  native  Christians ; indeed,  there  were 
more  Christians  in  that  province  than  in  any 
other  in  the  Empire,  except  Fuh-keen.  On  the 
1st  of  November  of  that  year,  however,  there  was 
a riot  in  which  two  German  Catholic  missionaries 
were  brutally  murdered,  and  Germany  promptly 
seized  upon  the  crime  as  a pretext  for  what  it  had 
long  contemplated,  the  seizure  of  a portion  of 
Chinese  territory.  On  the  14th,  Admiral  Diedrichs 
landed  troops  at  Kiao  Chow,  and  negotiations  were 
entered  upon  for  the  formal  cession  to  Germany 
of  that  which  she  had  already  seized.  On  the  6th 
of  the  following  March,  a treaty  was  signed  at 
Peking  by  which  the  country  round  about  the 
Bay  of  Kiao  Chow,  as  far  inland  as  the  neighbor- 
ing hills,  was  ceded  to  the  German  Empire  for 
ninety-nine  years;  the  Governor  of  Shan-tung 
was  dismissed,  six  other  high  officials  removed, 
an  indemnity  of  3,000  taels  paid,  and  a promise 
made  to  build  three  “ expiatory”  chapels.  Ger- 
many obtained  in  addition  a concession  for  two 
railways  in  the  province,  and  the  right  to  open 
mines  within  a region  of  territory  twenty  kilo- 
metres wide  along  them.  These  were  hard  terms, 
but  that  which  was  most  bitterly  resented  was 
the  seizure  of  territory.  This  high-handed  act 


Published  by  Harper  «V  Brothers,  New  York  and  London 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING. 


7 


worked  an  ominous  change  in  the  attitude  of  the 
people  toward  foreigners,  and  especially  Ger- 
mans. It  was  not  safe  for  Germans  in  small 
companies  to  travel  in  the  interior,  and  three  who 
later  itnwisely  did  so  were  attacked,  though  they 
fortunately  escaped  with  their  lives.  To  punish 
the  perpetrators  of  what  the  German  Government 
chose  to  consider  another  unprovoked  crime,  the 
commander  of  Kiao  Chow  immediately  sent 
troops  to  the  scene  of  the  attack,  and  they  burned 
down  two  villages.  This  harsh  and  indiscriminate 
retaliation,  in  which  innocent  suffered  as  well  as 
guilty,  inflamed  the  people  to  madness,  and  many 
foreigners  predicted  serious  results.  These  were 
not  long  in  coming.  A bitter  anti-Christian, 
anti-foreign  spirit  showed  itself  throughout  the 
province,  which  was  later  intensified  by  the  Im- 
perial Decree  of  March  15th  of  last  year,  issued 
on  the  demand  of  France,  conferring  practically 
official  rank  on  Roman  Catholic  bishops  and 
missionaries.  The  position  of  equality  with 
Viceroys  and  Governors  thus  given  to  the  bishops, 
and  equality  with  provincial  treasurers,  provin- 
cial judges,  taotais  and  prefects  given  to  the 
various  orders  of  priests,  together  with  the  right 
of  interview  without  the  mediation  of  consul  or 
minister,  gave  the  Roman  Catholics  an  influence 
of  which  the  people  had  good  reason  to  believe 


8 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


they  would  not  be  slow  to  avail  themselves.  In 
lawsuits  between  their  adherents  and  non-Chris- 
tian people,  the  latter  had,  or  thought  they  had, 
no  chance;  and,  as  in  other  provinces,  there  was 
general  complaint  of  the  constant  interference  of 
the  priests  in  litigation. 

Enraged  at  the  injustice  thus  perpetrated, 
seeing  in  the  missionaries  and  the  Germans  the 
causes  of  the  country’s  humiliation,  and  in  the 
conduct  of  the  latter  especially  the  beginning  of 
an  attempt  by  the  foreigners  to  seize  the  province 
and,  finally,  the  whole  Empire,  the  Boxers  began 
the  series  of  crimes  which  have  since  made  them 
infamous,  preached  a patriotic,  anti-Christian, 
anti-foreign  propaganda,  and  resolved  to  drive 
from  the  country  the  intruders,  and  all  that  they 
represented.  They  also  made  claims  to  strange 
spiritual  powers  to  influence  the  public.  They 
practised  hypnotism,  and  the  effects  which  they 
thus  produced  on  individuals  awed  the  multitude 
into  a belief  in  their  possession  of  mysterious, 
supernatural  powers.  It  came  in  time  to  be  be- 
lieved that  they  could  make  those  who  joined 
them  impervious  to  the  bullets  of  foreigners. 
The  “ Boxer  spirit”  movement,  as  it  accordingly 
came  to  be  called,  spread  like  wildfire,  and  led  to 
frightful  excesses,  the  burning  of  churches,  the 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING. 


9 


slaughter  of  native  Christians,  the  murder  of 
missionaries. 

Such,  in  brief  outline,  is  the  history  of  the  rise 
of  the  Boxer  movement  in  Shan-tung.  But  how 
did  it  come  to  spread  till  it  covered  the  whole 
province,  invaded  the  metropolitan  province  of 
Chi-li,  took  possession  of  the  capital  itself,  and 
now  holds  within  its  grasp  the  persons,  alive  or 
dead  we  know  not,  of  the  ministers  of  the  great 
Powers  of  the  West  ? There  is  but  one  answer — 
by  the  connivance  of  the  officials,  by  the  treachery 
of  the  Governor  of  Shan-tung,  acting  under  direct 
orders  from  the  Empress  Dowager  herself.  Had 
this  wretched  and  cruel  woman  been  so  minded, 
and  had  she  so  ordered,  the  movement  could  have 
been  crushed  long  before  it  became  dangerous ; but 
she  refused  even  to  attempt  to  put  it  down,  and 
degraded  any  official  who  was  honest  enough  to 
oppose  it  and  protect  the  Christians  and  foreign- 
ers within  his  jurisdiction.  And  all  because  she 
thought  she  saw  in  the  strength  of  the  uprising, 
in  its  fierce  fanaticism,  in  its  murderous  hostility 
to  foreigners  the  means  of  accomplishing  the 
most  cherished  ambition,  both  of  herself  and  of 
the  bigoted  crew  of  Manchu  reactionaries  who 
surrounded  her,  the  expulsion  from  China  of  all 
foreigners  and  of  all  the  ideas,  religious,  social 


IO 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


and  political,  which  foreigners  represent.  That 
this  charge  is  not  groundlessly  made  is  shown  by 
the  simple  fact  that  Yuan-Shih-kai,  the  Governor 
of  Shan-tung,  and  his  predecessor,  Yu-Hsieu, 
under  both  of  whom  the  Boxer  uprising  has 
grown,  were  her  own  appointees,  acting  under 
her  immediate  orders.  The  North  China  Herald, 
the  best  informed  and  most  ably  edited  foreign 
paper  in  China,  in  its  issue  of  June  6th,  after 
showing  how  Governor  Yu,  because  of  his  intense 
hatred  of  foreigners  and  all  Chinese  who  had 
anything  to  do  with  them,  gave  open  help  and 
encouragement  to  the  Boxers,  for  which  his  dis- 
missal was  demanded  by  one  of  the  foreign 
ministers,  says : 

“ There  can  be  no  question  about  the  Boxers  having  been 
encouraged  by  the  government,  because  Yu-Hsieu,  their 
patron,  after  having  been  recalled  to  Peking  from  Shan- 
tung, was  specially  honored  by  the  Empress  Dowager,  and 
given  the  Governorship  of  Shan-se.  Yuan-Shih-kai,  the 
new  Governor  of  Shan-tung,  could  easily  have  put  down 
the  Boxers  when  he  first  went  to  Chinanfu,  the  provincial 
capital,  but  he  was  not  allowed  to.” 

Who  prevented  him?  Who  could  have  pre- 
vented him  but  the  Empress  Dowager,  to  whom 
he  owed  his  appointment,  and  whose  servant  he 
was?  These  two  men,  Yu  and  Yuan,  allowed 
the  fiendish  work  to  go  on,  because  she  wished  it ; 
at  a word  from  her,  they  would  have  crushed  it. 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  n 


Again,  the  conduct  of  which  she  is  here  accused 
is  in  complete  accord  with  her  course  ever  since, 
in  September  of  1898,  she  deposed  the  unhappy 
Emperor  for  his  too  zealous  devotion  to  reform, 
and  took  the  power  of  the  throne  into  her  own 
hands.  Since  then,  she  has  seized  and  beheaded 
six  leaders  of  the  Reform  party,  banished  many 
more,  and  dismissed  from  office  every  official,  not 
too  powerful  to  be  touched,  who  has  shown  the 
least  sympathy  with  the  new  order.  Kang-Yu- 
Wei,  the  chief  adviser  of  the  Emperor,  and  the 
head  and  front  of  the  movement,  she  has  pursued 
with  implacable  vengeance;  as  recently  as  the 
14th  of  last  February,  she  offered  a reward  of 
a hundred  thousand  taels  for  his  capture,  alive 
or  dead. 

That  the  Boxer  outbreak  has  thus  grown  to 
its  present  terrible  proportions  largely  through 
her  support,  given  both  openly  and  in  secret,  is 
not  a matter  of  inference,  but  of  positive  knowl- 
edge. If,  as  late  cablegrams  report,  she  has  herself 
fallen  a victim  to  its  fury,  and  has  been  made 
a prisoner  in  the  palace,  or  been  poisoned,  by  the 
Boxer  leader,  Tsai-Yi,  the  Prince  of  Tuan,  one 
of  her  special  favorites — a man  to  whom,  by  a 
decree  of  January  31st  last,  she  granted  two  extra 
steps  in  official  rank  and  a eulogistic  tablet  written 
by  the  imperial  hand,  and  whom  by  a decree  of 


12 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  7th  of  March  she  made  Second  President  of 
the  Imperial  Clan  Court — it  only  shows  how  well 
her  ministers  have  learned  the  lesson  which  she 
taught  them.  The  fury  of  even  her  hatred  of 
foreigners  was  too  mild  for  some  of  her  favorites. 
If  she  seems  to  have  shrunk  from  the  horrors  to 
which  her  own  infamous  course  has  led,  they 
shrink  at  nothing,  not  even  at  the  attempted 
wholesale  butchery  of  the  foreign  ministers  them- 
selves. But  the  guilt  of  the  movement,  with  its 
awful  record  of  crimes,  the  widespread  destruc- 
tion of  property,  the  massacre  of  native  Chris- 
tians, the  murder  of  foreigners,  the  whole  terrible 
tragedy  now  being  enacted  in  the  North,  is  chiefly 
hers. 

It  is  time  now  to  consider  the  second  question 
proposed  at  the  head  of  this  article : What  are  the 
reasons  for  the  bitter,  anti-foreign  spirit  which 
prevails  throughout  China?  The  subject  is  par- 
ticularly important,  inasmuch  as  this  feeling  ap- 
pears to  be  of  comparatively  recent  origin.  The 
Chinese  have  not  always  shown  the  hostility  to 
foreigners  which  so  generally  characterizes  them 
now.  Colquhoun,  in  his  “ China  in  Transforma- 
tion,” says : 

“ Before  the  advent  of  the  Manchus  China  maintained 
constant  relations  with  the  countries  of  Asia:  traders  from 
Arabia,  Persia,  and  India  trafficked  in  Chinese  ports  and 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  Weekly 

EMPEROR  OF  CHINA 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  13 


passed  into  the  interior.  The  tablet  of  Sian  Fu  shows  that 
missionaries  from  the  West  were  propagating  the  Christian 
religion  in  the  eighth  century ; in  the  thirteenth,  Marco 
Polo  was  not  only  cordially  received,  but  held  office  in  the 
Empire,  and  at  that  time  the  Christian  religious  ceremonies 
were  tolerated  at  Peking,  where  there  was  an  Archbishop. 
To  the  close  of  the  last  Chinese  dynasty  (1644),  the  Jesuit 
missionaries  were  well  received  and  treated  at  the  capital ; 
and,  as  Hue  remarks,  the  first  Tartar  Emperors  merely 
tolerated  what  they  found  existing.  This  would  seem  to 
show  conclusively  that  the  Chinese  did  not  formerly  have 
the  aversion  to  foreigners  which  is  usually  assumed.” 

How  are  we  to  account  for  the  change?  No 
one  cause  produced  it ; it  is  the  result  of  a cumula- 
tion of  causes  all  working  toward  the  same  end. 

As  the  beginning  of  the  change  coincided  in 
a general  way  with  the  Manchu  conquest,  in  the 
first  half  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  first  and 
most  obvious  explanation  is  that  it  is  due,  in  part, 
to  the  policy  of  the  conquerors.  This  is  the  view 
taken  by  Hue  in  his  well-known  book,  “ The 
Chinese  Empire.”  He  says  : 

“ The  Manchoos  were,  on  account  of  the  smallness  of 
their  numbers  in  the  midst  of  this  vast  Empire,  compelled 
to  adopt  stringent  measures  to  preserve  their  conquest.  For 
fear  that  foreigners  should  be  tempted  to  snatch  their  prey 
from  them,  they  have  carefully  closed  the  ports  of  China 
against  them,  thinking  thus  to  secure  themselves  from 
ambitious  attempts  from  without.” 

With  the  exception  of  the  large-minded  Kang- 


14 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Hsi,  the  greatest  of  all  the  Manchu  sovereigns, 
this  has  been  the  general  policy  of  the  present 
dynasty.  No  concession  has  ever  been  gained 
from  it  except  by  force,  or  the  threat  of  force.  It 
has  done  everything  in  its  power  to  make  friendly 
relations  with  the  West  impossible.  It  was  only 
in  1842  that  the  first  ports,  Canton,  Amoy,  Foo- 
chow, Ningpo  and  Shanghai,  were  opened  to 
commerce,  and  that  after  a war  in  which  China 
was  worsted.  The  opening  of  ports  in  the  Yang- 
tsze  River  was  by  way  of  indemnity  for  the 
murder  of  Margary,  a British  consular  officer,  in 
1874.  Others  have  been  opened  as  the  result  of 
diplomatic  threats,  and  still  others  in  consequence 
of  the  war  with  Japan.  It  was  by  force,  too, 
that  China  was  compelled  to  enter  into  diplomatic 
relations  with  Western  States.  The  right  of 
their  ministers  to  reside  in  Peking,  and  freedom 
of  residence  and  travel  in  the  interior,  both  had 
to  be  fought  for,  and  were  acknowledged  only 
after  defeat  in  war.  The  Manchu  Dynasty  has 
given  nothing  which  was  not  wrung  from  it ; it 
has  made  no  concessions  of  its  own  accord ; it  has 
never  taken  a single  step  toward  putting  its  rela- 
tions with  foreign  powers  on  a footing  of  sincere 
friendship.  And  the  policy  of  the  rulers  has  been 
carried  out  by  the  Mandarins,  most  of  whom  have 
ceaselessly  striven  to  make  foreign  residence  in 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  15 


China  a painful  experience,  and  to  embitter  by 
every  means  in  their  power  the  relations  between 
the  foreigners  and  the  people.  The  terrible  situa- 
tion in  North  China  to-day  is  but  the  natural 
result  of  this  exclusive,  anti-foreign  policy;  the 
Manchus  are  making  a last  desperate  effort  to 
expel  the  West  and  all  that  the  West  stands  for 
from  the  Empire. 

In  the  changes  which  the  ideas  of  foreigners, 
if  allowed  their  proper  influence  on  the  people, 
would  effect,  they  see  their  own  destruction,  and 
are  fighting  for  that  which  for  two  centuries  and 
a half  they  have  exercised,  the  right  to  misrule 
and  plunder  the  nation  which  they  conquered. 
Unhappily,  the  people  do  not  understand  the  facts, 
and  centuries  of  precept  and  example  have  taught 
them  to  feel  for  the  foreigner  part  of  the  hatred 
with  which  their  rulers  are  drunk. 

It  would  be  fortunate  if  the  Manchus  alone 
were  to  blame  for  the  anti-foreign  feeling  of 
China.  Unhappily,  the  foreigners  themselves 
have  had  a large  share  in  creating  it.  The  circum- 
stances attending  the  first  introduction  of  Euro- 
peans to  the  Chinese  were  such  as  to  give  that 
people  the  impression  that  the  visitors  were  little 
better  than  pirates  and  murderers,  and  not  a little 
has  occurred  since  to  deepen  that  unhappy  feeling. 
“Rapine,  murder,  and  a constant  appeal  to  force,” 


i6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


says  Gorst,  “ chiefly  characterized  the  commence- 
ment of  Europe’s  commercial  intercourse  with 
China.”  When  the  first  Portuguese  traders  visited 
that  country  in  the  sixteenth  century,  they  were 
well  received ; but  they  were  soon  followed  by 
a horde  of  unscrupulous  adventurers,  who  some- 
times forced  their  way  into  the  interior  and  com- 
mitted high-handed  acts  of  piracy.  So  incensed 
were  the  Chinese  at  this  violence  that,  when  Por- 
tugal, a few  years  later,  sent  an  ambassador  to 
Peking,  he  was  sent  back  to  Canton,  thrown  there 
into  prison  and  finally  executed. 

Still  more  deplorable  was.  the  impression  made 
by  the  Spaniards.  After  they  seized  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  in  1543,  a great  expansion  of  trade 
with  China  resulted;  and  such  large  numbers  of 
Chinese  settlers  went  there  that  in  time  they  out- 
numbered the  Europeans  in  the  proportion  of 
twenty-five  to  one.  The  Spaniards  saw  in  this 
great  influx  of  Chinese  immigrants  a menace  to 
their  own  sovereignty,  and  they  massacred  the 
larger  part  of  the  defenceless  and  innocent 
Chinese.*  The  impression  which  such  savage 
butchery  of  its  people  made  on  their  native  prov- 
ince of  Canton  may  easily  be  imagined,  and  partly 
accounts  both  for  the  reception  which  the  English 


* See  “ China,”  by  H.  E.  Gorst,  pp.  202,  203. 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  17 


met  with  in  the  following  century  when  they  first 
entered  the  Canton  River,  and  for  the  fact  that 
the  people  of  that  province  are,  with  the  exception 
of  those  of  Hu-nan,  the  most  truculent  haters  of 
foreigners  in  China. 

The  early  Dutch  and  English  adventurers  had 
also  a share  in  blackening  the  reputation  of 
Europe  in  the  East,  and  it  is  not  surprising  that 
the  Chinese  came  in  time  to  look  upon  all  Euro- 
peans as  barbarians,  men  whose  only  objects  were 
robbery  and  war. 

The  period  of  unblushing  barbarism  came  to 
an  end  at  last,  and  Europe  set  about  entering  into 
relations  with  China  on  the  principles  of  inter- 
national law.  But,  even  then,  the  claims  made 
to  equality,  however  reasonable  and  just,  gave 
great  offense  to  the  Chinese  Government  and 
people.  To  understand  this,  it  is  necessary  to 
consider  a peculiarity  of  Chinese  civilization  too 
often  overlooked — its  age-long  isolation. 

The  civilization  of  China  is  the  development  of 
its  own  national  genius  and  life.  Of  no  nation 
in  the  West  can  this  be  affirmed.  The  countries 
of  America  and  Europe  have  been  so  closely  re- 
lated on  terms  of  equality  that  the  civilization  of 
no  one  of  them  can  be  said  to  be  entirely  its  own. 
They  have  so  acted  and  reacted,  one  upon  an- 
other, by  physical  force  and  moral  and  intellectual 


i8 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


influences,  that  the  civilized  life  of  each  is  the 
development,  not  of  its  own  national  genius 
merely,  but  that  modified  in  many  and  various 
directions  by  the  civilization  of  each  of  the  others. 
Vastly  different  have  been  the  conditions  under 
which  the  civilization  of  China  has  grown.  With 
the  exception  of  India,  to  which  she  owes  Bud- 
dhism, I do  not  know  to  what  other  country  she 
is  indebted  for  anything.  She  has  been  surrounded 
by  peoples  who,  in  all  the  great  qualities  of  life, 
were  vastly  inferior  to  her.  She  developed  a 
splendid  literature,  an  elaborate  system  of  social 
customs,  a noble  system  of  ethics,  and  they  are 
all  her  own.  Her  own,  too,  were  some  of  the 
greatest  inventions  of  man — gunpowder,  print- 
ing, and  the  mariner’s  compass.  Beginning  at 
a time  which  antedates  the  birth  of  every  other 
nation  now  living,  she  has  developed,  with  the 
exception  already  noted,  her  own  national  life, 
learning  nothing  from  her  neighbors  and  teaching 
them  all,  the  quick,  intelligent  Japanese  no  less 
than  the  slow,  phlegmatic  Corean.  Such  a his- 
tory naturally  taught  her  to  look  upon  herself  as 
the  first  of  nations ; she  was  acknowledged  as  such 
by  all  the  nations  around  her.  The  inevitable 
result  followed;  she  looked  upon  all  other  coun- 
tries as  her  inferiors.  When,  therefore,  men 
went  to  her  from  Europe,  not  only  claiming 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  19 


equality,  but  professing  to  be  able  to  teach  her, 
it  was  a shock  to  the  national  pride  not  easy  for 
the  West  to  appreciate.  It  is  not  pleasant  for 
a people  who  have  thought  themselves  the  chosen 
of  the  world,  and  who,  it  must  be  admitted,  had, 
under  the  circumstances,  some  reason  for  think- 
ing so,  to  be  summoned  to  sit  at  the  feet  of  men 
whom  their  peculiar  history  and  recent  experience 
had  taught  them  to  look  upon  as  barbarians.  The 
claim  to  equality,  then,  made  by  foreigners  in 
their  relations  with  China  has  been  a cause  of 
offense,  a fruitful  source  of  antagonism.  If  it  be 
said  that  the  claim  was  right,  and  that  China  has 
had  time  to  learn  the  folly  of  her  conservatism 
and  the  madness  of  her  intolerant  national  pride, 
let  it  be  remembered  that  the  feelings  of  a nation 
do  not  easily  change,  that  the  prejudices  of  cen- 
turies cannot  be  overcome  by  the  teachings  of 
a decade. 

Another  source  of  friction  and  bitterness,  this 
time  with  the  Mandarins,  has  been  the  attempt  to 
enforce  some  of  the  commercial  clauses  of  the 
treaties,  particularly  those  relating  to  the  aboli- 
tion of  inland  taxes  on  foreign  goods.  On  such 
importations,  between  the  port  of  entry  and  their 
destination  in  the  interior,  a tax  called  “ likin” 
is  levied  at  various  customs  barriers  on  the  way. 
This  is  a serious  burden  on  foreign  trade,  and  it 


20 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


has  been  provided  by  treaty  that  imported  goods 
shall  be  exempt  from  such  charges  on  payment 
at  the  port  of  entry  of  an  extra  sum  equal  to  half 
the  regular  import  tariff.  As  the  duty  so  levied 
would  all  be  paid  to  the  Central  Government,  it 
follows  that  the  local  administration  would 
thereby  be  deprived  of  a large  part  of  its  custom- 
ary revenues.  Two  results  would  ensue — diffi- 
culty in  meeting  the  expenses  of  the  provincial 
governments,  and  a large  curtailment  of  the  per- 
quisites or  “ squeezes”  of  the  officials.  It  is  often, 
indeed,  claimed  that  the  latter  are  simply  robbery, 
and  the  cutting  off  of  this  source  of  personal 
revenue  from  the  Mandarins  would  be  an  act 
of  justice.  But  this  is  not  entirely  true.  The 
salaries  of  the  officials  are  so  miserably  inadequate 
to  meet  their  necessary  expenses  that  the  officials 
are  compelled  to  resort  to  various  illegal  methods 
to  add  to  them.  That  they  do  so  excessively, 
“ squeezing”  all  that  the  business  will  allow,  is 
but  too  true;  but  that  does  not  alter  the  fact  that 
the  administrative  system  whose  servants  they  are 
forces  them  to  the  practice  of  illegal  and  dishonest 
expedients.  Before,  therefore,  the  treaty  clauses 
dealing  with  this  subject  can  be  quietly  enforced, 
such  administrative  changes  must  be  made  as  will 
remove  from  the  provincial  authorities  their 
greatest  temptation  to  robbery.  Until  this  is 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  21 


done,  and  it  will  not  be  done  without  pressure 
from  without,  there  will  remain  a fruitful  source 
of  official  antagonism  to  foreigners,  a cause  of 
friction  irritable  alike  to  Chinese  Mandarins  and 
to  foreign  officials  and  merchants. 

Missions  and  missionaries,  both  Catholic  and 
Protestant,  have  also  added  to  the  causes  of  an- 
tagonism. I am  aware  that  this  is  denied  by 
many  of  those  who  are  interested  in  missions,  but 
no  one  will  question  it  who  is  acquainted  with 
the  facts.  It  is  not  wise  to  argue  from  the  nobility 
of  the  missionary  motive  to  its  ready  appreciation 
by  the  Chinese  people.  The  motive,  so  apparent 
to  us,  is  not  equally  apparent  to  them.  They  look 
at  it  through  a medium  of  unfortunate  accompani- 
ments of  which  we  never  think.  Apart  altogether 
from  the  offense  to  the  national  pride  involved 
in  undertaking  to  teach  a faith  claiming  to  be 
higher  than  their  own,  the  whole  missionary 
movement  is  unhappily  associated  with  conquest, 
and  its  toleration  is  the  result  of  successful  war. 
Noble,  therefore,  though  the  motives  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  are,  its  work  is  tainted  by  its  associa- 
tion with  force  and  conquest.  To  thoughtful 
Chinese  familiar  with  the  recent  history  of  their 
country,  the  presence  of  the  missionary  in  every 
province,  in  country  villages  as  well  as  in  great 
cities,  is  a reminder  of  the  national  humiliation. 


22 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


There  are,  indeed,  exceptions;  there  are  among 
the  leading  classes  men  who  look  upon  the  Chris- 
tian missionaries  as  China’s  best  and  only  dis- 
interested friends,  and  the  number  of  such  is 
happily  increasing;  but  for  the  present  at  least 
the  vast  majority  do  not  think  so. 

There  are  two  things  in  missionary  work  which 
distinctly  add  to  the  causes  of  irritation — one,  the 
teaching  itself ; the  other,  the  partly  foreign, 
partly  Chinese  political  status  of  those  who  ac- 
cept it.  They  are  mistaken  who  suppose  that, 
because  of  the  excellence  of  Christianity,  it  must 
lead  only  to  peace  and  has  nothing  in  it  to  give 
occasion  for  offense.  The  preaching  of  it  is  not 
the  innocuous  thing  which  it  is  sometimes  con- 
sidered. Like  every  high  moral  force,  when  it 
confronts  a lower,  conflict  is  inevitable.  The 
instinct  of  self-preservation  compels  the  adherents 
of  the  old  faith  to  fight  for  its  existence.  Chris- 
tianity not  only  creates,  it  also  destroys ; it  sets  up 
new  beliefs,  new  ideals,  new  standards  of  conduct, 
a new  object  of  worship,  but  it  pulls  down  the  old. 
This  is  its  necessary  record  everywhere  else;  it 
is  its  record  in  China. 

In  religious  matters,  the  Chinese  are  among 
the  most  tolerant  of  men ; but  in  their  case  Chris- 
tianity is  opposed  to  a practice  which  has  pre- 
vailed from  the  very  beginning  of  their  history, 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  23 


on  which  they  think  the  whole  fabric  of  society  is 
based.  The  opposition  of  Christianity  to  ancestral 
worship  is  what  offends  the  Chinese  most,  for 
they  consider  it  an  attack  on  the  most  sacred  of 
obligations,  on  the  very  foundation  of  society 
itself.  Missionaries  are  aware  of  this,  and  most 
of  them  are  scrupulously  careful  in  speaking  of  it. 
I have  heard  many  sermons  and  addresses  by 
them  in  the  seventeen  years  which  I have  spent 
in  China,  but  never  one  in  which  the  ancestral 
cult  was  spoken  of  offensively.  But,  while  speak- 
ing tenderly,  the  opposition  to  it  is  there;  the 
churches  have  adopted  toward  it  a position  of 
uncompromising  hostility,  and  the  people  know 
it.  Here  lies  one  of  the  chief  sources  of  popular 
hostility  to  foreigners,  and  there  is  no  way  of 
avoiding  it,  unless  the  policy  of  toleration  be 
adopted  which  was  followed  by  the  early  Jesuits. 
But,  as  this  was  rejected  by  the  Catholics  them- 
selves on  command  of  the  Pope,  it  is  not  likely  to 
be  adopted  by  them  again,  and  it  certainly  never 
will  be  by  the  Protestants.  What,  then,  is  going 
to  be  done?  The  thoughtless,  ignorant  whereof 
they  speak,  will  say : “ Withdraw,  rather  than 
continue  an  enterprise  so  provocative  of  hostil- 
ity.” But  this  is  impossible.  The  Christian 
Church  must  preach  Christianity.  To  ask  it  to 
reject  its  missionary  commission  is  to  ask  it  to 


24 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


commit  suicide.  No  nation  has  ever  yet  been 
Christianized  without  conflict,  and  no  nation  ever 
will  be.  Nevertheless,  it  is  unwise  not  to  recog- 
nize in  the  preaching  of  the  new  faith  a source 
of  antagonism,  and  it  is  unjust  to  censure  the 
Chinese  too  severely  for  their  opposition  to  what 
they  do  not  clearly  understand,  to  a process  which 
they  regard  as  destructive  of  the  fundamental 
principles  of  their  national  life.  With  the  years 
will  come  knowledge,  but  it  will  come  only  after 
opposition  and  strife. 

Two  lessons,  at  least,  may  be  learned  from  this, 
namely,  the  tremendous  responsibility  which  our 
Missionary  Societies  incur  in  sending  mission- 
aries to  China,  and  the  solemn  obligation  under 
which  such  responsibility  puts  them  to  send  to 
that  distant,  difficult  and  dangerous  field  only  the 
choicest  men  and  women  they  can  find.  There  is 
no  service  for  which  the  selection  of  candidates 
should  be  so  carefully  made.  The  ordinary  quali- 
fications are  not  sufficient.  Zeal  alone  will  not 
do.  Besides  the  passion  for  humanity,  of  which 
every  missionary  should  be  possessed,  he  should 
have  in  addition  the  great  virtues  of  intellectual 
sympathy,  the  power  of  appreciating  another’s 
position,  the  ability  to  see  the  truth  where  it 
exists,  and  tact  which  is  unfailing.  With  such 
qualities  as  these,  the  missionaries  may  hope  in 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  25 


time  to  overcome  prejudice,  make  their  position 
clear,  and  win  an  acceptance  for  the  great  mes- 
sage which  they  preach.  In  that  message  only  is 
China’s  salvation,  for  in  it  alone  are  the  promise 
and  the  power  to  effect  the  moral  regeneration 
which  is  her  supreme  need. 

Another  cause  of  bitterness  in  connection  with 
missionary  work  is  found  in  the  peculiar  political 
status  of  the  native  converts,  and  the  immunity 
from  various  exactions  which  the  treaties  guar- 
antee them.  It  is  often  asserted  by  opponents  of 
missionaries  that  they  are  constantly  interfering 
with  the  ordinary  judicial  processes  of  the  country, 
saving  their  converts  from  the  payment  of  taxes, 
and  calling  upon  Consuls  and  Ministers,  irrespec- 
tive of  treaty  provisions,  to  interpose  in  their 
behalf.  All  these  charges  are  untrue,  so  far,  at 
least,  as  Protestant  missionaries  are  concerned. 
Mistakes  are  sometimes  made,  but  no  men  are 
more  scrupulous  than  they  in  their  observance 
of  the  laws  of  the  land.  Nevertheless,  there 
are  real  sources  of  irritation  in  this  connection 
which  cannot  be  denied.  The  clauses  of  the 
treaties  which  guarantee  religious  liberty  to  Chi- 
nese converts  have  usually  been  interpreted  to 
mean  that  they  shall  not  be  persecuted  for  relig- 
ion’s sake,  and,  specifically,  that  they  shall  not 
be  compelled  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of 


26 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


idol  temples,  or  toward  paying  the  expenses  of 
idol  processions.  Under  these  heads,  many  cases 
are  taken  by  the  missionaries  to  the  Consuls,  who 
then  refer  them  to  the  Chinese  officials.  Unfortu- 
nately, it  sometimes  turns  out  on  investigation 
that  the  cases  do  not  come  within  the  treaty  limits 
at  all,  but  are  old  troubles,  or  even  new  ones, 
which  the  Christian  complainants  persuaded  the 
missionary  were  instances  of  religious  persecu- 
tion. The  embarrassment  of  such  a discovery  is 
painful,  painful  to  the  missionary  who  was  de- 
ceived, to  the  Consul  who  took  the  case  up,  and 
to  the  Chinese  Magistrate  who  tried  it.  Worse 
than  all  is  the  effect  in  the  village  where  the 
parties  to  the  trouble  reside,  where  the  Christian 
is  accused  of  trying  to  use  his  relation  to  the 
foreigners  to  crush  his  neighbors.  The  resulting 
irritation  and  prejudice  are  lamentable  in  the  ex- 
treme. 

Even  when  the  cases  are  genuine,  and  the 
Christians  are  declared  by  the  Magistrate  exempt 
from  the  exactions  referred  to,  there  are  two 
parties  offended;  the  people  are  angry  because 
some  of  their  neighbors  are  saved  by  foreign  in- 
fluence from  a pressure  which  they  themselves 
have  to  submit  to  and  which  becomes  heavier  in 
proportion  as  the  Christians  are  relieved  from  it ; 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  27 


and  the  Magistrate  is  humiliated  because  at  the 
demand  of  a foreign  official  he  has  to  give  judg- 
ment against  the  wishes  of  a majority  of  his  own 
people.  Here,  therefore,  is  another  widespread 
source  of  popular  irritation.  But  how  is  it  to  be 
avoided?  The  question  is  too  complicated  to  be 
discussed  here.  Some  would  withdraw  Consular 
protection  altogether  and  leave  the  converts  en- 
tirely to  the  laws  of  the  land.  In  that  case,  fair- 
ness would  demand  that  the  missionaries  be 
treated  in  the  same  way  and  be  subject  to  the  same 
laws.  But  no  class  of  foreigners  in  China  can 
be  left  without  protection  without  endangering 
the  interests,  if  not  the  lives,  of  all.  Deny  the 
protection  of  their  country  to  missionaries,  and 
all  other  foreigners  will  speedily  find  that  the 
protection  promised  them  will  be  of  little  avail. 
The  problem  is  one  for  statesmen,  the  thing  I 
wish  to  note  being  simply  that  the  peculiar  posi- 
tion of  converts,  the  privileges  and  immunities 
they  enjoy,  are  among  the  causes  of  the  antago- 
nism which  the  Chinese  entertain  toward  foreign- 
ers. These  observations  are  made  in  no  spirit  of 
criticism,  but  with  a sincere  desire  to  draw  the 
attention  of  the  missionary  authorities  and  the 
Christian  public  to  the  facts,  in  order  that  the 
subject  may  be  thoroughly  studied,  and  such 


28 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


regulations  be  adopted,  if  possible,  as  will  lessen 
the  area  of  friction  and  reduce  the  number  of  the 
causes  of  trouble. 

In  addition  to  all  this,  missionaries  are  often 
thought  of  as  spies  of  their  own  governments; 
and  by  some  of  those  who  are  familiar  with  the 
history  of  other  parts  of  Asia,  the  fate  of  India 
is  feared  for  their  country.  Many  a time  have 
I been  asked  what  my  Government  paid  me  for 
coming  to  China,  and  when  I answered,  “ Noth- 
ing,” and  showed  that  I had  no  connection  with 
the  Government  whatever,  my  reply  was  evidently 
received  with  no  little  incredulity.  Again,  in  the 
minds  of  many,  the  whole  missionary  movement 
is  suspected  because  of  the  striking  contrast  be- 
tween its  professed  aim  and  the  conduct  of  some 
Christian  governments  toward  China.  And  surely 
this  cannot  be  wondered  at.  With  Western  mis- 
sionaries preaching  peace  and  Western  govern- 
ments practicing  murder,  it  should  not  surprise  us 
if  the  Chinese  suspect  the  former  as  much  as  they 
fear  the  latter.  You  cannot  go  to  a people  with 
the  Bible  in  one  hand  and  a bludgeon  in  the  other, 
and  expect  that  they  will  accept  either  cheerfully. 

Some  European  governments  have  been  guilty, 
even  in  recent  times,  of  the  most  atrocious  conduct 
toward  China.  In  1884,  a French  fleet  entered 
the  Min  River  and  anchored  ten  miles  below  the 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  29 


great  city  of  Foochow,  in  Southeastern  China,  to 
frighten  the  government  at  Peking  into  paying 
an  indemnity  demanded  by  the  French  Minister 
for  alleged  guilty  complicity  in  helping  the  people 
of  Tonquin  in  their  fight  against  the  seizure  of 
their  country  by  France.  When  he  failed,  the 
case  was  given  over  to  the  Admiral,  the  French 
ships  opened  fire,  and  in  less  than  an  hour  the 
Chinese  fleet,  with  the  exception  of  one  ship,  was 
destroyed  and  over  3,000  Chinese  killed,  and  all 
without  a declaration  of  war.  The  bodies  of  the 
dead  floated  out  to  sea  on  the  tide,  many  of  them 
were  borne  back  on  the  returning  current,  and 
for  days  it  was  hardly  possible  to  cross  the  river 
anywhere  between  the  anchorage  and  the  sea 
twenty  miles  below  without  seeing  some  of  these 
dreadful  reminders  of  French  treachery  and 
brutality.  The  people  of  the  city  were  roused  to 
fury,  and  the  foreigners  would  have  been  attacked 
but  for  the  presence  of  American  and  English 
gunboats  anchored  off  the  settlement  to  protect 
them.  If  some  of  us  had  been  killed  the  world 
would  have  rung  with  denunciation  of  Chinese 
cruelty,  but  the  3,000  victims  of  French  guns 
would  never  have  been  thought  of. 

Two  years  ago  the  French  perpetrated  an 
equally  atrocious  outrage  at  Shanghai.  Wishing 
to  enlarge  their  settlement,  they  desired  to  obtain 


30 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


possession  of  a large  rest  house  for  the  dead 
which  belonged  to  the  people  of  Ningpo.  Failing 
in  negotiations,  the  French  Consul  proceeded  to 
tear  down  the  surrounding  walls.  The  people 
opposed;  marines  were  landed  from  a French 
cruiser  in  the  river;  they  fired  on  the  crowd  and 
killed  twenty.  The  people  of  other  nationalities 
at  Shanghai  prepared  to  defend  themselves,  but 
they  all  knew  that  any  riots,  if  riots  occurred, 
should  be  laid  to  the  injustice  and  brutality  of 
France. 

The  burning  down  of  villages  in  Shan-tung  by 
the  Germans,  to  which  I have  already  referred, 
was  an  act  of  the  same  character. 

All  these  instances  of  the  cruel  use  of  force  by 
foreigners  were  heralded  far  and  wide  by  the 
Chinese  newspapers,  and  the  impression  made  on 
the  people  it  is  not  hard  to  imagine.  These  papers 
have  also  made  the  reading  public  aware  of  the 
deprivations  of  territory  recently  suffered  by 
China,  and  of  the  cool  discussions  of  the  dismem- 
berment of  the  Empire  indulged  in  by  the  foreign 
press.  No  wonder  the  people  were  humiliated 
and  angry.  Many  a time  have  I been  asked  by 
thoughtful  and  patriotic  Chinese  when  the  end 
would  come  and  China  cease  to  be  an  independent 
State.  All  her  finest  harbors  have  already  been 
taken;  there  is  not  a place  on  her  coast  where  her 


CAUSES  OF  ANTI-FOREIGN  FEELING.  31 


fleet  can  rendezvous,  except  by  the  grace  of  for- 
eigners. Port  Arthur,  a fortified  harbor,  on  which 
millions  were  spent,  has  been  leased  to  Russia; 
Wei-Hai-Wei,  with  its  fortifications,  on  the  coast 
of  Shan-tung,  to  England;  Kiao  Chow,  also  in 
Shan-tung,  with  the  finest  bay  on  the  coast  of 
China,  large  enough  to  accommodate  the  fleets 
of  the  world,  to  Germany ; and  Kwang-Chau  bay, 
on  the  southern  coast  of  Kwang-tung,  to  France. 
There  would  be  some  justification  for  these  seiz- 
ures— for  seizures  they  are,  though  called  only 
“leases” — if  they  had  been  made  in  retaliation  for 
broken  pledges,  for  crimes  for  which  the  govern- 
ment was  responsible ; but  every  one  knows  that, 
with  the  apparent  exception  of  Kiao  Chow,  and 
the  exception  is  apparent  only,  they  are  all  due 
to  the  mutual  fears  and  mutual  jealousies  of 
foreign  States.  The  sovereignty  of  China  over 
her  own  domain  is  not  recognized;  he  who  is 
strong  enough  may  take  what  he  pleases,  and  his 
neighbor,  lest  the  balance  of  power  be  broken, 
may  go  and  do  the  same.  That  under  such  cir- 
cumstances the  wrath  of  the  people  is  aroused  is 
no  matter  for  wonder.  The  West  cannot  sow  the 
wind  in  the  East  without  having  later  to  meet  the 
terrible  necessity  of  reaping  the  whirlwind. 

I have  tried  to  give  a fair  analysis  of  the  causes 
of  the  anti-foreign  feeling  which  prevails  in 


32 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


China.  It  is  not  complete ; there  are  other  causes 
which  might  be  mentioned.  But  I have  given 
those  which  are  most  important,  those  which  con- 
cern us  most.  It  must  be  evident,  I think,  after 
studying  them,  that  the  antagonism  of  Chinese 
to  foreigners  is  not  altogether  groundless;  that 
foreigners  themselves  have  had  a large  share  in 
creating  it.  I trust  that  when  the  present  fierce 
uprising  is  put  down,  when  peace  is  restored  to 
the  distracted  Empire,  and  the  time  for  the  settle- 
ment of  claims  has  come,  this  painful  fact  will 
not  be  forgotten. 


George  B.  Smyth. 


THE  POWERS  AND  THE  PARTITION 
OF  CHINA. 


THE  POWERS  AND  THE  PARTITION 
OF  CHINA. 


The  unusual  attention  given  to  Chinese  affairs 
for  two  years  past  has  been  largely  due  to  affairs 
in  China  which  are  foreign  as  well  as  Chinese. 
The  scramble  of  European  Powers  has  shifted 
from  Constantinople  to  Peking,  and  into  this 
scramble  Japan  and  the  United  States  have  en- 
tered. The  destiny  of  China  seems  to  depend 
upon  action  taken  in  London,  Berlin,  St.  Peters- 
burg, Paris  and  Tokyo.  The  future  of  Europe 
and  America,  and  the  question  of  the  new  “ bal- 
ance of  power,”  depends  on  action  taken  in 
Peking.  After  all,  in  an  unexpected  way,  one- 
fourth  of  the  human  race  as  concentrated  in 
China  must  be  reckoned  with  in  making  the  map 
of  the  world. 

The  attitude  of  the  great  Powers  to  China  is 
only  partially  indicated  through  the  voice  of  the 
people,  the  press  and  public  debate,  and  has 


36 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


scarcely  been  enunciated  through  the  Govern- 
ments. China  is  thus  in  the  dark  as  to  what 
others  want  or  intend  to  do,  and  we  are  all  more 
or  less  puzzled  in  proportion  to  our  degree  of 
solicitude  for  her  welfare. 

For  two  years  the  writer,  in  a campaign  for 
the  International  Institute  of  China,  has  been 
brought  in  contact  with  influential  and  thinking 
men  in  as  many  as  ten  countries,  and  especially 
with  those  most  deeply  interested  in,  or  respon- 
sible for,  the  character  of  the  relations  which  the 
West  will  hold  with  the  Far  East.  Necessarily, 
it  is  in  many  cases  impossible  to  give  an  author- 
ized statement  of  acting  ministers,  but  we  can 
give  impressions  and  our  grounds  for  certain 
beliefs,  which  may  help  to  explain  the  real  situa- 
tion. 

I.  Great  Britain. — Every  British  Govern- 
ment, until  the  present,  has  been  in  favor  of 
maintaining  the  integrity  of  China.  Parties  have 
been  agreed  on  this  matter.  So  long  as  Great 
Britain  was  the  predominant  Power  in  China, 
this  policy  was  unmodified.  With  the  growing 
advance  of  other  Powers,  and  especially  with  the 
increasing  influence  of  Russia  at  the  capital  of 
China,  the  present  Salisbury  Government  drifted 
into  a policy  of  passivity.  Instead  of  insisting 
on  maintaining  the  integrity  of  China,  it  excused 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


37 


itself  from  that  task,  and  insisted  on  maintaining 
British  interests,  whatever  became  of  China.  The 
strong  position  sustained  in  the  speeches  of  Sir 
Michael  Hicks-Beach  in  the  early  part  of  1898 
for  the  “ open  door,”  was  relinquished  for  the 
new  theory  of  “ spheres  of  interest,”  as  enun- 
ciated by  the  Rt.  Hon.  A.  J.  Balfour,  and  as 
illustrated  by  the  agreement  made  with  Russia 
concerning  spheres  of  railway  and  mining  con- 
cessions. All  the  time,  however,  the  Government 
has  declared  that  the  open  door  is  not  closed,  and 
plainly  shows  a desire  to  have  China  kept  intact. 

The  “ open  door”  policy,  or  that  of  “ equality 
of  opportunity,”  is,  no  doubt,  the  preference  of 
the  British  people.  The  burdens  of  a world-wide 
empire  drive  out  ambition  for  further  territory 
and  political  responsibilities  in  China. 

At  the  same  time,  there  has  been  a strong, 
active,  persistent  agitation  for  “ spheres  of  in- 
fluence,” or  more  particularly  for  a British  sphere 
of  influence  in  the  Yang-tse  Valley.  Not  merely 
statesmen  of  the  Opposition,  but  men  on  the  same 
side  of  the  House  with  the  Government,  have 
advocated  these  ideas.  Several  times  the  defense 
of  the  “ open  door”  has  been  left  to  members  of 
the  Cabinet.  The  claim  has  been  that  there  is 
no  longer  an  open  door,  that  the  Government  has 
weakened,  that  British  interests  are  imperilled, 


38 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


that  British  influence  has  declined,  and  that  the 
only  hope  for  Great  Britain  is  to  “ ear-mark”  the 
Yang-tse  Valley.  The  undercurrent  is  suspicion 
of  Russia  and  the  conviction  that  Russia  has 
already  practically  taken  possession  of  Manchuria, 
while  Germany  holds  sway  in  Shan-tung.  Very 
few  openly  declare  for  the  partition  of  China,  but 
their  arguments,  if  carried  out,  would  drift  that 
way.  In  any  case,  China’s  wishes  or  rights  are 
utterly  ignored.  This  agitation,  and  its  support 
by  the  London  press,  has  tended  to  weaken  Brit- 
ish reputation  in  China. 

Lord  Charles  Beresford  came  back  from  his 
commercial  investigations  in  China  with  two 
propositions  for  maintaining  the  open  door — the 
one  military,  namely,  drilling  Chinese  troops  for 
the  defense  of  the  Yang-tse  Valley;  and  the  other 
political,  namely,  a combination  of  Great  Britain, 
Germany,  Japan  and  the  United  States,  as  an- 
tagonistic to  Russia  and  France.  Both  of  these 
propositions  failed  to  secure  the  support  of  the 
British  Government,  and  Lord  Charles  Beresford 
has,  therefore,  joined  with  the  critics  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  in  doing  so  has  drifted  into  the  idea 
that  the  open  door  was  closed,  and  that  Great 
Britain  should  make  sure  of  some  special  sphere, 
before  all  should  be  lost  to  her. 

Nevertheless,  the  critics  of  the  policy  of  the 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


39 


Government  have  latterly  a slight  impression 
that,  if  it  is  too  late  to  argue  for  an  “ open  door,” 
it  may  also  be  too  late  to  argue  for  a “ sphere  of 
influence.”  The  agitation  for  a particular  sphere 
has  aroused  other  nations  to  make  claims  of  their 
own.  The  result  is  such  an  intermingling  of  inter- 
ests that  division  into  separate  spheres  would  be 
harder  to  effect  than  the  maintenance  of  competi- 
tion everywhere.  For  Great  Britain  to  secure 
a sphere  of  her  own  would  require  one  of  three 
things.  One  way  would  be  to  secure  it  by  agree- 
ment with  China,  but  China  would  not,  or  could 
not,  make  such  an  agreement  and  retain  even  the 
semblance  of  sovereignty.  Another  way  would 
be  by  agreement  with  other  rival  Powers ; but,  in 
attempting  this,  all  that  the  British  desire  would 
not  be  granted,  while  other  Powers  would  secure 
more  in  the  way  of  recognized  spheres  than  they 
now  seem  to  aim  at.  A third  way  would  be  for 
Great  Britain  to  consult  neither  China  nor  the 
other  Powers,  but  to  establish  herself  suddenly  in 
the  part  that  she  seeks  for  her  own ; but  this  she 
cannot  do  without  numerous  complications  with 
China  and  the  Powers,  and,  furthermore,  she  has 
too  much  on  her  hands  elsewhere  to  attempt  such 
a colossal  venture  as  an  independent  demarcation 
of  her  own  sphere.  Therefore,  as  the  British 
already  have  interests  outside  the  Yang-tse  Val- 


40 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


ley,  and  other  Powers  have  interests  within  the 
Yang-tse  Valley,  there  comes  the  chance  to  China 
to  be  left  unmolested. 

II.  Russia. — The  suspicion  that  the  British 
hold  toward  the  Russians  with  reference  to  China 
is  about  equalled  by  Russian  suspicion  of  Great 
Britain.  British  suspicion  arises  from  an  igno- 
rance of  what  the  Russians  really  think  or  intend 
to  do.  Russian  suspicion  arises  from  the  open 
declarations  and  threatening  propositions  of  the 
British  public  and  its  free  press. 

Nine  out  of  ten  persons  in  the  United  Kingdom 
believe  that  Russia  wants  to  take  possession  of 
the  whole  of  China,  or  at  least  of  Peking  and  all 
North  China.  Our  personal  conviction  to  the 
contrary  has  always  been  received  with  surprise 
as  a strange  hallucination.  The  ground  for  this 
conviction  can  be  briefly  stated. 

Russia  is  more  of  an  Oriental  nation  than  any 
other  European  Power.  There  is  much  in  com- 
mon between  Russia  and  China.  They  are  both 
conservative  and  autocratic  in  government.  The 
proximity  of  territory  and  partial  homogeneity  of 
race  would  naturally  lead  these  two  nations  to 
sympathize  with  each  other,  especially  if  others 
sought  to  intrude.  Russia,  as  the  stronger  of  the 
two,  might  have  an  ambition  to  dominate  her 
neighbor,  as  she  has  dominated  vast  tracts  and 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


4i 


different  tribes  in  northern  Asia;  but  the  inter- 
national relations  of  both  Russia  and  China  forbid 
this.  Russia  knows  that  if  she  advances  into 
China,  other  Powers  will  do  the  same.  The  sub- 
jection of  the  whole  of  China  to  Russia  is  a very 
different  thing  to  the  complex  partition  of  China. 
The  former  is  impossible;  the  latter  to  Russian 
eyes  is  undesirable.  In  Asia,  Russia  prefers  a 
peaceful  neighbor  like  China  to  her  two  European 
rivals,  Germany  and  Great  Britain — both  in- 
tensely military  and  much  wealthier  than  herself. 
The  Slavic  sympathies  are  more  with  the  Mon- 
golian than  with  the  Teutonic  or  Anglo-Saxon, 
in  anything  that  pertains  to  China. 

There  are  those  who  praise  highly  the  fore- 
sightedness of  Russian  diplomacy.  It  is  a com- 
mon idea  that  Russia  forms  a definite  plan,  and 
works  for  its  execution,  slowly  but  with  deter- 
mination, through  years,  and  even  into  centuries. 
My  own  impression  is  quite  different.  The  Rus- 
sians are  not  long-headed  either  in  commerce  or 
diplomacy.  They  rather  have  a supreme  belief 
in  Providence  as  a destiny  leading  their  race  and 
their  Czar  to  ever-expanding  spheres  of  domina- 
tion. They  design  nothing,  for  Providence  is 
leading  them  on. 

An  essential  factor  in  the  political  attitude  of 
Russia  is  the  Czar.  He  has  already  given  proof 


42 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


of  his  peaceful  intents,  not  only  in  world-wide 
problems,  but  specifically  in  China.  He  has  an- 
nounced to  the  world  that  Talien-wan  is  open  to 
the  trade  of  all  nations,  but  few  Englishmen  and 
Americans  have  given  even  meagre  praise  to  his 
published  declaration  and  peaceful  policy. 

There  is  a small  faction  in  Russia,  led  by  Prince 
Ookhtomsky,  which  is  positively  friendly  to 
China.  In  frequent  conversations  with  this  gentle- 
man, we  were  struck  with  his  intense  and  intelli- 
gent interest  in  the  welfare  of  China.  His  paper, 
the  Viedomosti,  is  noted  both  for  its  antagonism 
to  the  British  and  its  defense  of  the  Chinese. 
After  hearing  our  plan  for  an  International  Insti- 
tute at  Peking,  he  had  three  editorials  prepared 
in  its  advocacy,  one  being  entitled  in  English  “ A 
Helping  Hand  to  China.” 

The  opponents  of  Russia  generally  close  the 
door  of  discussion  by  the  statement,  “ Russia  has 
already  taken  possession  of  Manchuria.”  Facts, 
however,  do  not  support  this  charge.  Manchuria 
is  still  under  Manchu  rule,  and  the  people  pay 
taxes  to  China,  not  to  Russia.  There  is  even  less 
interference  in  internal  affairs  than  China  com- 
plains of  in  other  parts  of  China  from  other 
countries.  Nothing  has  been  done  to  frustrate 
the  work  of  either  Protestant  or  Catholic  mission- 
aries. The  port  of  Newchwang  is  still  an  open 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


43 


port,  and  it  is  yet  to  be  proved  that  foreign  trade 
in  Manchuria  has  been  hampered  by  Russia. 
Russia,  quite  sensibly,  has  wanted  an  ice-free 
port,  and  the  opportunity  to  improve  the  indus- 
trial development  of  her  own  extensive  domain. 
She  now  seeks  to  become  something  of  a com- 
mercial nation,  and  to  extend  commercial  rela- 
tions with  the  United  States  on  the  one  side  and 
with  England  on  the  other.  She  also  aspires  to 
predominant  influence  in  Chinese  affairs,  as  other 
nations  do,  and  the  time  will  come,  perhaps,  when 
education  and  missions,  as  well  as  commerce  and 
diplomacy,  will  form  a part  of  Russian  enterprise. 

All  this  is  other  than  the  scheme  to  dismember 
China.  And  yet  the  dismemberment  of  China 
is  very  much  “ in  the  air.”  Russia,  therefore,  is 
preparing  and  strengthening  her  position.  Let 
any  other  nation  seize  a portion  of  Chinese  terri- 
tory, then  Russia  will  at  once  seize  Manchuria 
and  Mongolia  to  march  on  to  Peking.  Russia, 
even  more  than  many  Englishmen,  would  prefer 
to  have  China  held  together. 

III.  France. — For  many  years  France  and 
Great  Britain  were  joined  in  the  effort  to  open 
up  China.  Latterly,  France  and  Russia  have  been 
joined,  and  this  last  alliance  has  aroused  the 
suspicion  of  the  British.  The  chief  influence  of 
France  in  China  has  been  missionary  rather  than 


44 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


commercial,  and  this  fact  tends  to  restrain  any 
personal  desires  for  Chinese  dismemberment. 
From  the  beginning  of  treaty  relations  with 
China,  all  Catholic  missions  have  been  regarded 
as  under  the  French  protectorate.  The  only  ex- 
ception has  been  the  case  of  Germany  during  the 
last  decade.  The  special  favor  accorded  to 
France  has  been  increased  within  the  last  year 
by  China’s  recognition  of  the  official  status  of 
Catholic  missionaries  and  the  right  of  the  French 
Minister  at  Peking  to  interfere  and  protect.  This, 
therefore,  gives  scope  for  French  influence  in 
every  province  of  China,  and  also  in  Mongolia 
and  Manchuria.  France  knows  very  well  that, 
if  China  were  to  be  dismembered,  her  influence  in 
the  missionary  line  would  be  curtailed.  She, 
therefore,  prefers  to  keep  China  intact  and  have 
influence  everywhere  in  China. 

In  even  the  commercial  line  France  does  not 
care  to  be  limited  to  a few  provinces  along  the 
Tonquin  border.  She  has  a French  “ settlement” 
in  Shanghai  and  Tientsin,  and  a “ concession”  in 
Hankow.  She  is  the  largest  investor  in  the  rail- 
road to  be  built  between  Hankow  and  Peking. 
She  has  also  great  political  influence  at  Peking. 
To  divide  China  would  not  serve  the  interests  of 
France. 

IV.  Germany. — The  other  leading  European 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


45 


Power  concerned  in  the  future  of  China  is  Ger- 
many. The  occasion  for  the  rise  of  German 
influence  in  China  was  the  massacre  of  two 
German  Catholic  missionaries  in  the  Province 
of  Shan-tung.  One-third  of  that  province  is  a 
German  diocese.  The  protection  of  the  Catholic 
mission  within  that  section  was  transferred  from 
France  to  Germany  ten  years  ago.  In  addition, 
Germany  has  influence  in  a commercial  way  by 
securing  as  an  outcome  of  the  missionary  diffi- 
culties the  port  of  Kiao  Chow,  and  certain  rail- 
road and  mining  concessions  throughout  the 
province.  This  is  the  German  “ sphere  of  inter- 
est,” which  may  lead  to  actual  possession.  Such 
a result  would  not,  however,  be  for  the  best 
interests  of  Germany.  Germany  has  Protestant 
missions  in  the  south  where  France  would  rule 
if  China  were  to  be  dismembered.  German  mer- 
chants are  also  given  wide  scope  for  trade  at  all 
the  treaty  ports  and  through  the  natives  far  into 
the  interior.  A few  high-handed  officers  or  ir- 
responsible adventurers  may  boast  of  making 
Shan-tung  a German  possession,  but  the  German 
Government  and  German  merchants  would  fare 
better  by  being  friendly  and  true  to  China  and  by 
exerting  influence  over  the  whole  of  China.  The 
danger  to  be  faced  is  from  the  massacre  of  more 
Germans,  which  would  cause  Germany  to  ignore 


46 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Chinese  rule  and  proceed  to  rule  for  herself.  In 
fact,  I regard  this  as  the  greatest  danger  to  the 
preservation  of  China.  The  Chinese  in  Shan-tung 
are  turbulent,  and,  through  the  aggressiveness  of 
the  Germans,  most  hostile  to  foreigners,  and  espe- 
cially to  the  Germans. 

V.  The  United  States. — Different  from  the 
influence  of  the  European  Powers  in  China  is  that 
of  the  United  States.  While  the  equal  of  any  of 
the  Powers,  this  advancing  Republic,  the  pre- 
dominant Power  on  the  American  continent,  has 
maintained  from  the  year  1842  a friendly  atti- 
tude to  China.  Even  with  the  cry  for  expansion 
and  her  presence  in  Asiatic  waters,  she  has  dis- 
played no  inclination  to  participate  in  the  dis- 
memberment of  China.  Certain  Americans  are 
inclined  to  unite  with  the  British  in  some  definite 
China  policy,  while  others  look  with  favor  on 
closer  relations  with  Russia,  but  the  National 
Government,  in  so  far  as  it  has  a policy,  puts 
forth  no  positive  action  either  to  divide  China 
or  maintain  her  integrity,  but  seeks  to  protect 
American  interests  as  guaranteed  by  treaties. 
Naturally,  this  policy,  like  that  of  the  British 
Government,  is  more  allied  to  an  “ open  door,” 
with  equality  of  opportunity,  but  there  is  no  readi- 
ness to  resist  the  aggressions  of  other  Powers,  so 
long  as  American  trade  is  not  hampered  nor 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


47 


American  citizens  molested.  It  is,  therefore,  pos- 
sible for  the  United  States  to  maintain  equally 
friendly  relations  with  China,  with  Great  Brit- 
ain, with  Russia,  or  any  other  Power,  if  nothing 
is  done  to  eliminate  China  as  a treaty-making 
Power,  or  to  make  sections  of  China  partial  to 
some  one  country  in  rights,  privileges  and  oppor- 
tunities. If  China  is  not  to  be  dismembered,  there 
is  no  need  for  the  United  States  to  interfere,  but 
if  dismemberment  is  to  be  undertaken,  the  very 
existence  of  extensive  American  interests,  com- 
mercial and  missionary,  and  the  fact  that  for  over 
half  a century  the  United  States  has  had  in 
Eastern  Asia  diplomatic  relations  equally  with 
others,  will  require  that  the  United  States  be  not 
only  consulted,  but  given  an  equal  share  in  the 
distribution  of  new  opportunities. 

The  average  American  has  less  respect  for  the 
Chinese  as  a race  than  have  most  of  the  European 
peoples.  This  is  probably  owing  to  the  greater 
acquaintance  on  the  part  of  Americans  with 
Chinese  laborers  than  with  the  better  class  Chi- 
nese, and  to  American  legislation  on  the  Chinese 
question.  We  hear  much  of  the  obligation  of  the 
Chinese  to  observe  the  treaties,  but  very  little  of 
American  obligation  in  relation  to  China.  In 
consequence  there  is  striking  unconcern  as  to  the 
welfare  of  the  Chinese  or  the  permanence  of  the 


48 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Chinese  Empire.  Very  few  realize  the  danger 
to  American  interests  of  allowing  the  dismem- 
berment of  China.  The  downfall  of  the  Chinese 
Government  is  thought  of  as  something  similar 
to  the  displacement  of  Indian  rule  by  British 
domination,  whereas  China  would  be  parcelled 
out  among  different  nations,  and  would  not  be 
like  one  people  under  one  foreign  rule. 

Any  change  of  American  sentiment  in  the 
direction  of  recognizing  the  importance  of  keep- 
ing China  intact  has  been  largely  brought  about 
by  an  increased  conviction  that,  legitimately,  the 
United  States  must  enter  into  movements  that 
affect  the  world,  and  more  particularly  by  the 
ambition  to  expand  American  trade  throughout 
the  whole  of  China.  The  sense  of  fair  play, 
furthermore,  is  shocked  by  such  a colossal  pro- 
gramme as  that  of  trying  to  divide  a great  and 
ancient  Empire  among  outside  nations,  mutually 
jealous  and  relying  for  supremacy  on  skill  in 
warfare. 

VI.  Japan. — In  any  question  that  concerns 
China,  Japan  must  have  a part.  As  Japan  is  the 
neighbor  of  China,  this  is  to  be  expected,  and  as 
she  is  the  recognized  equal  of  Christian  nations, 
this  is  her  right.  To  prevent  the  further  aggres- 
sions of  Europe,  and  especially  of  Russia,  all  the 
people  of  Japan  may  be  said  to  be  in  favor  of 


THE  PARTITION  OF  CHINA. 


49 


defending  China  and  strengthening  her  independ- 
ence. The  end  of  China  might  be  the  beginning 
of  the  downfall  of  Japan.  As  Oriental  nations, 
they  stand  or  fall  together.  The  question  of  the 
“ open  door”  was  hardly  thought  of  when  Japan 
vanquished  China  on  sea  and  land,  but  when 
Russia,  France  and  Germany  proceeded  to  inter- 
fere in  the  result,  and  later  on  to  make  demands 
for  privileges  for  themselves,  which  China  could 
not  resist,  then  Japan  reversed  her  course  and 
sided  with  China.  An  alliance,  formal  or  infor- 
mal, is  inevitable. 

Thus,  through  mutual  jealousies  of  the  nations, 
China  may  be  held  together.  All  seek  their  own 
interests  first,  from  what  some  would  term  patri- 
otic motives,  and  yet  this  very  self-interest  is 
dependent  on  the  preservation  of  China.  A 
scramble  for  conquest,  possessions,  sovereignty, 
in  China  would  endanger  the  peace  of  the  whole 
world.  Even  a struggle  for  established  spheres 
of  influence,  with  Chinese  authority  weakened 
more  and  more,  would  not  only  be  treacherous  to 
China,  but  provoke  such  discord,  animosities, 
riots  and  resentments  as  to  make  the  loss  and 
trouble  of  the  participants  greater  than  the  gain 
and  honor.  Each  nation,  while  anxious  for  more 
influence,  is  opposed  to  the  increased  influence  of 
any  other  nation.  The  whole  territory  of  China 


50 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


presents  so  many  opportunities  for  foreign  enter- 
prise that  all  prefer  competition  to  exclusiveness 
and  dismemberment. 


Gilbert  Reid. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM  IN 
CHINA. 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM  IN 
CHINA. 

Signs  are  not  wanting  that  we  are  on  the  eve 
of  another  political  convulsion  in  China,  a violent 
reaction  from  the  masterly  and  masterful  inter- 
vention of  the  Dowager  Empress.  The  forces 
which  have  been  swaying  China  this  way  and  that 
for  the  last  generation  are  still  actively  at  work ; 
while  time  is  surely  if  slowly  wearing  away  the 
barrier  which  has  kept  the  flowing  tide  in  check. 

Many  writers,  in  a glow  of  controversial  zeal, 
were  led  to  represent  the  palace  revolution  as  the 
visible  evidence  of  an  occult  struggle  between 
Russia  and  England  for  the  sovereignty  of  the 
Far  East ; and,  considering  the  forced  retirement 
of  the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsu  a victory  for  the 
Russian  party,  they  confidently  predicted  a speedy 
countercheck  from  Great  Britain,  and  exulted 
over  it  in  advance  as  a victory  for  progress,  enter- 
prise and  a higher  phase  of  civilization. 

In  reality,  the  revolution  in  Peking  had  nothing 


54 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


whatever  to  do  with  either  Russia  or  England. 
It  happened  that  one  of  the  chiefs  on  the  side  of 
the  Dowager  Empress,  the  venerable  Li  Hung 
Chang,  was  a firm  friend  of  Russia,  and  this  gave 
color  to  the  partisan  view ; but  it  might  just  as 
well  have  been  the  other  way.  The  watershed  of 
the  Chinese  movement,  so  to  speak,  is  a question 
of  internal  policy  alone. 

There  are,  in  fact,  two  parties  in  China,  one 
extremely  radical  and  the  other  extremely  con- 
servative. The  former  is  the  party  of  the  Em- 
peror Kuang-Hsu ; the  latter  is  the  party  of  the 
Dowager  Empress  Tshu-Chsi.  The  Conservatives, 
under  the  lead  of  this  remarkable  woman,  aspire 
to  keep  China  as  far  as  possible  a forbidden  land, 
a second  Tibet,  governed  on  traditional  and 
theocratic  lines.  The  Radicals,  on  the  other  hand, 
desire  to  see  China  follow  the  lead  of  Japan,  and 
put  on  the  whole  armor  of  civilization,  as  we 
understand  it  in  Europe  and  America. 

But  the  Conservatives  are  in  sympathy  with 
Russia  only  to  a very  limited  extent;  it  is,  with 
* them,  a sympathy  of  tradition  rather  than  of 
policy,  for  the  relations  between  Russia  and  China 
go  back  to  the  Middle  Ages.  They  regard  Russia 
as  a friendly  Asiatic  despotism,  and  hardly  as  a 
European  country  at  all. 

The  Radicals,  on  the  other  hand,  have  no  par- 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  Weekly 

THE  GREAT  SOUTH  GATE,  PEKING 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


55 


ticular  sympathy  with  England.  It  is,  indeed, 
one  of  the  elements  of  their  policy  to  foster  closer 
relations  with  Japan,  in  order  that  China  and 
Japan  together  may  be  able  to  stand  independently 
as  a great  Asiatic  power,  throwing  off  the  yoke 
of  European,  and  especially  of  English,  interfer- 
ence. 

In  truth,  the  questions  which  divide  these  two 
parties  in  China  are  much  more  serious  and  pro- 
found than  one  would  be  led  to  believe  from  read- 
ing the  accounts  of  the  critics  and  chroniclers  of 
our  press.  They  have  a way  of  leaping  to  conclu- 
sions, which  shows  a great  deal  of  courage,  it  is 
true,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  a great  ignorance 
of  the  Oriental  world,  and  of  the  thoughts  and 
feelings  of  Oriental  peoples. 

It  is  taken  as  axiomatic,  for  example,  that  a 
theocratic  government  is  something  wholly  out 
of  place  in  the  modern  world ; an  exploded  super- 
stition of  a bygone  age;  something  quite  out  of 
keeping  with  modern  ideas  and  modern  life.  But 
Germany,  and  indeed  every  monarchical  country, 
is  in  principle  a theocracy ; for  the  kingship  is 
founded  on  divine  right;  and  the  fact  that  the 
coronation  is  a religious  ceremony  shows  that  the 
divine  sanction  is  still  conceived  as  authorizing 
the  Emperor  to  rule.  Russia,  where  the  Emperor 
himself  sets  the  crown  upon  his  head,  is  even  more 


56 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


directly  theocratic;  the  ruler  draws  his  right 
direct  from  heaven,  without  the  interposition  of 
the  Church.  But  every  monarchy  is  in  principle 
a theocracy,  just  as  every  aristocracy  admits  the 
principle  of  ancestor-worship. 

So  that  there  is  nothing  essentially  incompati- 
ble with  Western  ideas  in  even  the  extreme  ideals 
of  the  Chinese  Conservatives.  And,  as  far  as 
they  believe  in  adhering  to  the  traditional  and 
native  forms  of  Chinese  life,  and,  incidentally,  of 
Chinese  arts  and  handicrafts,  there  is  much  to  be 
said  for  them,  too ; for  these  are  the  forms  of  life 
which  they  have  developed  for  themselves  during 
generations,  and  even  now  their  arts  and  crafts 
are  in  many  things  so  superior  to  ours  that  we 
buy  as  ornaments  things  which  they  destined 
simply  for  common  use.  In  Europe  the  very  latest 
ideal  in  arts  and  crafts  is  the  introduction  of  the 
personal  and  creative  element  in  all  workmanship 
as  against  machinery.  But  this  was  the  ideal  of 
China  and  Japan  from  the  very  outset.  Every 
Japanese  and  Chinese  artisan  is  an  artist,  and  in 
this  they  are  a century  ahead  of  their  Western 
critics. 

So  that  one  may  easily  make  out  a very  strong 
general  case  for  the  Conservatives  in  China.  And, 
when  this  has  been  done,  it  becomes  doubly  inter- 
esting to  apply  the  same  process  in  detail,  and  to 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


57 


inquire  what  precisely  were  the  innovations  which 
the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsu  sought  to  introduce, 
and  why  this  attempt  was  so  completely  frus- 
trated. 

First,  a word  about  the  Emperor  himself. 
Kuang-Hsu  is  an  imperial  title,  meaning  “Endur- 
ing Majesty;”  the  prince’s  personal  name  is  Teai- 
Tsien.  He  is  only  twenty-seven  years  old,  though 
he  has  borne  the  title  of  Emperor  ever  since  the 
death  of  his  cousin,  the  Emperor  Chai-Chin,  five 
and  twenty  years  ago,  and  has  been  sole  respon- 
sible ruler,  in  theory  at  least,  for  the  last  nine 
years.  The  Emperor  Kuang-Hsu  is  slight  and 
delicate,  almost  childish  in  appearance,  of  pale 
olive  complexion,  and  with  great,  melancholy 
eyes.  There  is  a gentleness  in  his  expression  that 
speaks  rather  of  dreaming  than  of  the  power  to 
turn  dreams  into  acts.  It  is  strange  to  find  a per- 
sonality so  ethereal  among  the  descendants  of  the 
Mongol  hordes;  yet  the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsu 
might  sit  as  a model  for  some  Oriental  saint  on 
the  threshold  of  the  highest  beatitude.  Though 
it  is  eleven  years  since  his  marriage  with  Princess 
Eho-na-la,  the  Emperor  is  childless. 

It  is  not  so  long  since  the  nobles  of  our  most 
civilized  Western  lands  counted  it  a vice  to  write 
well,  and  slept  on  rushes  in  their  torch-lit,  wooden 
halls.  Their  ideals  were  war  and  hunting,  with 


58 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


bows  and  arrows,  for  the  most  part,  with  legalized 
plundering  of  the  agricultural  population  to  renew 
their  supplies  of  bread.  In  those  days  China  was 
far  more  civilized  than  any  European  country; 
and,  in  the  life  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  that  period 
is  only  as  yesterday.  The  two  things  which  have 
done  most  to  change  the  relative  positions  of  East 
and  West  are  gunpowder  and  printing,  yet  both 
of  these  have  been  known  in  China  for  ages.  So 
that  any  inherent  superiority  on  the  part  of  the 
West  is  rather  a pleasing  fiction;  much  might  be 
said  in  the  contrary  sense.  The  West  is  superior 
in  combative  and  destructive  elements — the  very 
things  which  the  religion  of  the  West  has  been 
trying  to  eradicate  for  two  thousand  years;  so 
that,  even  from  a Western  point  of  view,  Europe’s 
material  victory  is  a moral  defeat. 

Yet  it  is  none  the  less  true  that  China  has  been 
overshadowed  and  left  behind  by  the  Western 
nations,  and  the  recognition  of  this  fact  is  the 
starting  point  of  the  Emperor’s  policy. 

He  conceives  the  remedy  to  be  an  infusion  of 
new  life  into  the  education  of  the  people;  a super- 
session  of  the  wonderful  system  of  intellectual 
training,  perfected  centuries  ago,  which  forms  all 
minds  alike  on  the  great  Chinese  Classics,  “ the 
best  that  has  been  thought  and  said”  in  the  Celes- 
tial Land.  It  is  the  battle  of  utility  against  culture 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


59 


fought  out  once  more  on  Chinese  lines.  Chemis- 
try and  physics,  engineering  and  military  science 
are  to  take  the  place  of  essays  and  poems  ex- 
quisitely fashioned  after  ancient  models,  now  the 
sole  test  of  talent  throughout  the  Empire,  and 
perfection  in  which  is  the  royal  road  to  fame  and 
fortune. 

It  is  hard  to  tell  which  we  should  most  admire, 
the  genuine  enthusiasm  of  all  China  for  literary 
culture,  for  familiarity  with  the  highest  thoughts 
and  noblest  words  of  the  sages,  or  the  marvellous 
ingenuity  and  precision  with  which  this  knowl- 
edge is  tested  by  a system  of  examinations  hardly 
equalled,  and  never  surpassed,  by  any  nation  in 
the  world — the  vast  halls,  with  their  cloister-like 
divisions  for  ten  thousand  candidates;  the  seals 
set  on  the  doors  before  the  papers  are  given  out; 
the  counted  sheets  of  stamped  paper  with  name 
and  number  for  the  essays  and  poems  of  each  can- 
didate; the  army  of  clerks  copying  the  themes  in 
red  ink,  lest  any  personal  sign  or  mark  should 
lead  the  examiner  to  recognize  a favored  pupil ; 
the  enthusiastic  crowds  gathering  at  the  doors ; 
the  cannons  and  music  which  greet  the  candidates 
first  to  come  forth ; the  literary  chancellor  cere- 
moniously presiding;  the  lists  of  the  successful 
eagerly  bought  up  in  the  streets ; the  chosen  essays 
and  poems  sent  to  Court  for  the  delectation  of  the 


6o 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Emperor;  the  gold-buttoned  caps  and  blue  silk 
gowns  of  the  graduates;  and,  lastly,  the  almost 
pathetic  provision  that  whoever  continues  without 
success  to  try  for  any  degree  until  his  eightieth 
year  shall  receive  it  free,  from  the  Emperor  him- 
self, as  a reward  for  faithful  love  of  learning. 

By  the  way,  we  should  keep  some  of  our  admi- 
ration for  the  more  than  human  ingenuity  with 
which  the  Chinese  students  sometimes  evade  even 
the  strictest  precautions : the  tunnels  dug  beneath 
the  examination  halls,  through  which  surrepti- 
tious knowledge  is  passed  up  to  the  candidates, 
written  minutely  on  the  finest  paper;  the  offices 
where  needy  and  brilliant  essayists  are  hired  to 
personate  dull,  wealthy  scholars;  the  refinement 
of  knavery  that  decrees  that,  while  the  rank  of 
the  examination  to  be  compounded  for  rises  in 
arithmetical  progression,  the  bribe  increases  in 
geometrical  ratio.  All  this  but  shows,  by  crooked 
ways,  how  highly  learning  is  esteemed. 

Yet  all  this,  while  it  reminds  us  how  foolish 
we  are  to  think  of  Chinamen  as  uncivilized,  is  not 
enough  to  win  the  battles  of  the  world.  There- 
fore, the  Emperor  Kuang-Hsu  deemed  it  neces- 
sary to  decree  reform  and  the  introduction  of  the 
utilitarian  spirit.  Peking  is  to  have  a University, 
as  a rallying  point  for  the  modern  spirit ; and  here 
a characteristic  note  of  Chinese  radicalism  is 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


61 


struck ; for  the  methods  and  standards  of  this  first 
Chinese  University  are  to  be  taken  not  directly 
from  Europe,  but  mediately  through  Japan.  It  is 
conceived  that  Western  ideals  will  then  have 
undergone  a process  of  partial  assimilation  and 
amelioration,  making  them  more  immediately 
suitable  for  the  Chinese  mind.  In  other  words, 
it  is  held  that  the  Japanese  have  already  improved 
the  culture  they  received  from  Europe,  and  that 
the  Chinese,  following  in  their  steps,  will  improve 
it  still  further. 

This  drawing  together  of  China  and  Japan  is 
one  of  the  key-notes  of  the  radical  programme 
of  the  Emperor  Ivuang-Hsu.  “China  and  Japan,” 
says  a recent  edict,  “ have  a common  language, 
they  belong  to  the  same  race,  they  have  all  inter- 
ests in  common.” 

So  a band  of  students  are  to  set  out  from  the 
Celestial  Empire  to  the  Flowery  Land,  as  guests 
of  the  Japanese  nation,  there  to  absorb  the  light 
which  they  are  presently  to  radiate,  as  teachers, 
in  their  own  land.  Two  hundred  are  to  go,  as 
a beginning,  and  they  are  already  being  chosen 
among  those  who  have  some  knowledge  of  Japan- 
ese. And  before  they  return,  if  Kuang-Hsu’s 
programme  is  carried  out,  Peking  will  have,  be- 
sides her  University,  a whole  system  of  primary 
and  intermediate  schools,  and  this  system,  mod- 


62 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


elled  on  the  best  Western  plans,  will  gradually 
be  extended  to  every  considerable  city  of  the 
Empire. 

The  University  of  Tokio,  which  is  held  to  be 
the  high-water  mark  of  blended  European  and 
Japanese  culture,  is  to  serve  as  the  model  for  the 
Peking  institution,  and  temporary  quarters  have 
been  assigned  to  the  teachers  in  the  princely  pal- 
aces of  the  capital,  pending  the  erection  of  suit- 
able University  buildings.  Meanwhile,  the  sum 
originally  allotted  to  the  Committee  on  Education 
has  been  increased  threefold,  by  a special  Imperial 
edict,  and  the  sum  set  aside  for  the  maintenance 
of  the  committee  has  been  doubled. 

The  thoroughly  practical  spirit  pervading  this 
new  educational  movement  in  China  is  shown  in 
an  Imperial  order  recently  dispatched  to  the  coast 
provinces : the  Viceroys,  Governors,  Prefects  and 
District  Magistrates — the  four  chief  degrees  in 
the  executive  hierarchy — are  directed  to  furnish 
the  Emperor  with  precise  information  as  to  pos- 
sible means  of  increasing  the  naval  schools  and 
supplying  new  training-ships  for  the  fleet.  A 
further  very  practical  move  is  the  formation  of 
a Committee  on  Railroads  and  Engineering,  with 
orders  to  draft  plans  for  the  opening  of  schools 
of  railroad  engineering  at  a number  of  central 
points  through  the  Empire,  from  which,  it  is 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


63 


hoped,  railroads  will  soon  radiate  to  every  consid- 
erable town,  and  through  all  the  provinces. 

Close  on  the  heels  of  this  follows  another  Com- 
mittee on  Agriculture,  Manufactures  and  Trade. 
To  the  President  and  Vice-President  of  this  com- 
mittee are  specifically  reserved  the  right  of  free 
access  to  the  Emperor  at  all  times,  on  the  business 
of  their  departments ; and  when  we  remember  the 
divinity  that  hedges  in  the  Son  of  Heaven  we 
shall  better  understand  how  much  he  is  in  earnest, 
and  how  clearly  he  shows  it  by  sacrificing  his 
ceremonial  prerogatives.  A School  of  Agriculture 
is  to  be  formed,  with  branches  in  each  district  of 
every  province  of  the  Empire,  and  these  branch 
schools  are  to  procure  the  latest  agricultural  ma- 
chinery, and  to  exhibit  its  advantages  to  the  mass 
of  cultivators  in  the  rural  districts.  It  is  hoped 
that  a decade  will  not  pass  before  the  whole 
agriculture  of  China  is  transformed  by  the  use 
of  tilling  and  harvesting  machines. 

Another  innovation,  which  seems  to  have  been 
borrowed  from  India,  was  suggested  by  last 
year’s  famine  in  the  three  provinces  of  Hu-pe, 
Shan-Si  and  Shan-tung,  all  not  very  far  from  the 
capital.  The  Emperor  had  discovered  that  the 
system  of  distributing  free  rations  among  the 
starving  populations  was  not  a success — or,  per- 
haps, we  should  say,  the  system  of  allotting  con- 


64 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


siderable  sums  to  that  end.  For  there  is  the  old 
tale  of  peculation  and  dishonest  officials,  a Chinese 
version  of  the  charges  more  than  once  brought 
against  the  American  Government  in  its  relations 
with  the  Red  Indians.  The  Emperor  proposes 
to  adopt  the  British  Indian  expedient  of  relief- 
works,  and  further  intends  to  improve  the  occa- 
sion by  employing  the  men  at  these  works  in  the 
various  new  industries  which  he  is  seeking  to 
introduce  throughout  the  provinces.  This  would 
include  the  building  of  railroads,  the  establish- 
ment of  agricultural  machinery,  the  extension  of 
irrigation  and  the  introduction  of  new  manufac- 
tures. So  that  a famine  will  come  as  a blessing 
in  disguise. 

Another  very  important  reform  touches  the 
procedure  in  civil  cases.  It  is  said  that  the  Chi- 
nese courts  have  a bad  eminence  in  civil  law’s 
delays,  keeping  a good  fat  process  on  the  files  for 
months  and  years,  and  even  decades,  to  the  end 
that  many  bribes  may  be  taken ; and  after  a judge 
has  taken  many  bribes  from  both  sides  it  becomes 
very  embarrassing  to  decide  the  case  at  all.  The 
traditional  solution  in  India  is  to  put  the  final 
decision  up  to  auction.  Before  we  pass  too  heavy 
a sentence  on  this  form  of  corruption  and  brand 
it  as  the  mark  of  an  inferior  race,  we  should  re- 
member that  Sir  Francis  Bacon,  Baron  Verulam, 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


65 


Viscount  St.  Albans,  whom  Shelley  wrongly 
called  “ Lord  Bacon,”  and  whom  Mr.  Gladstone 
even  more  wrongly  called  “Francis,  Lord  Bacon,” 
was  degraded  for  selling  the  decisions  of  the  high- 
est court  in  the  England  of  his  day.  Experience 
makes  it  probable  that  this  reform  will  be  one  of 
the  hardest  to  enforce,  since  its  success  depends 
largely  on  the  good-will  of  the  very  judges  to  be 
reformed. 

Yet  another  measure  shows  a daring  spirit  of 
innovation : the  foundation  of  a new  Medical 
College  at  Peking,  for  the  express  purpose  of 
introducing  the  methods  of  modern  Europe.  A 
license  for  this  College  has  already  been  granted ; 
but  it  has  dark  days  before  it,  for  it  strikes  a blow 
at  vested  interests  of  the  most  extensive  character, 
founded  on  most  venerable  traditions.  It  is  as 
though  the  Federal  Government  were  to  organize 
and  endow  a College  for  Mental  Healing.  One 
could  predict  stormy  days  for  it,  whatever  opin- 
ion one  held  as  to  the  Efficacy  of  Faith.  It  is 
true  that  Kuang-Hsu  throws  a sop  to  Cerberus 
by  including  in  the  course  the  traditional  medical 
practice  of  China  side  by  side  with  the  new  meth- 
ods of  the  West.  But  it  seems  to  me  that  this 
is  a false  move;  for  what  battles  there  may  be 
between  the  rival  professors!  Homeopathy  and 
allopathy  will  be  nothing  to  it. 


66 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


But  the  next  reform  on  the  Emperor’s  list 
admits  of  no  healing  balm.  It  is  a decree  for  the 
suspension  of  the  famous  Six  Boards,  a series 
of  venerable  sinecures,  supposed  to  look  after  the 
education  of  the  heir  apparent,  the  royal  stables, 
the  due  performance  of  bowings  and  kneelings, 
the  imperial  banquets,  and  so  forth.  Every  Euro- 
pean Court  has  half  a dozen  departments  equally 
ornamental.  These  interesting  survivals — and 
the  salaries — are  to  become  a thing  of  the  past, 
their  nominal  duties  are  to  be  passed  on  to  Com- 
mittees of  the  Senate,  and  the  buildings  they 
occupied  are  to  be  turned  over  to  the  new  Medical 
College  and  the  Peking  University. 

From  a tactical  point  of  view,  this  seems  the 
Emperor’s  first  grave  mistake,  for  it  sets  the  whole 
of  the  permanent  Civil  Service  against  the  reform 
programme.  Like  many  another  bringer  of  glad 
tidings,  his  course  might  have  been  smoother  if 
he  could  only  have  been  persuaded  to  leave  the 
Scribes  and  Pharisees  alone.  And  the  whole  army 
of  bureaucrats  and  lesser  officials  has  evidently 
taken  alarm,  for  we  find  a recent  edict  of  the 
Emperor  speaking  in  the  following  terms: 

“ The  Government  of  the  Chinese  Empire,  striving  to 
elevate  the  various  departments  of  the  administration,  and 
with  the  sole  design  of  conferring  benefits  on  the  people, 
wishes  to  employ  to  this  end  the  methods  of  the  nations  of 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


6 7 


the  West,  since  what  is  common  to  the  Western  nations 
and  the  Chinese,  has  been  brought  to  greater  excellence  by 
the  former,  and  may,  therefore,  serve  for  our  advancement. 

“ At  the  same  time,  the  bureaucrats  and  scholars  of  this 
Empire,  whose  views  of  foreign  nations  are  characterized 
by  the  greatest  ignorance,  pretend  that  Western  nations  are 
totally  devoid  of  order  and  enlightenment,  not  knowing 
that  among  the  Western  nations  there  are  many  forms  of 
political  science  which  have  as  their  sole  aim  the  moral 
elevation  of  the  people,  and  their  material  well-being,  and 
which,  from  their  high  development,  are  able  to  heap  bene- 
fits on  mankind,  and  to  prolong  the  span  of  human  life.  In 
the  West,  all  efforts  are  directed  to  procuring  the  blessings 
which  mankind  is  entitled  to. 

“ In  our  ceaseless  efforts  to  reform  various  departments 
of  the  administration,  we  are  by  no  means  prompted  by 
a mere  desire  for  novelty,  but  by  a sincere  aspiration  for 
the  well-being  of  the  Empire  entrusted  to  us  by  Providence, 
and  handed  down  to  us  by  our  ancestors.  We  shall  not 
have  fulfilled  our  duty,  if  we  fail  to  secure  to  all  our  people, 
the  blessings  of  peace  and  prosperity. 

“ And  we  are  not  less  grieved  at  the  slights  which  China 
has  had  to  submit  to,  at  the  hands  of  foreign  governments. 
But  so  long  as  we  do  not  possess  the  knowledge  and  science 
of  other  peoples,  we  shall  not  be  able  to  defend  ourselves 
against  them. 

“ At  the  same  time,  our  subjects  evidently  fail  to  under- 
stand the  true  purpose  of  our  unsleeping  endeavors  and 
exertions.  The  reason  of  this  is  that  the  lower  classes  of 
officials  and  the  bureaucrats  devoted  to  routine  [the  Scribes 
and  Pharisees]  not  only  do  not  make  our  intentions  clear, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  intentionally  confuse  the  people  with 
vain  and  unseemly  speeches.  Grieved  and  vexed  that  a true 
understanding  of  our  intentions  has  not  reached  our  sub- 
jects, we  inform  all  China,  by  the  present  decree,  of  the 
true  purpose  of  our  doings.  This  is  in  order  that  our 


68 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


enlightened  intentions  may  be  known  to  the  whole  people, 
and  that  the  people  may  know  that  trust  is  to  be  reposed  in 
their  Ruler,  who,  with  the  help  of  all,  will  mould  the  Gov- 
ernment according  to  new  principles,  for  the  strengthening 
and  elevation  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 

“To  this  end  we  order  the  Viceroys  and  Governors  to 
print  these  our  decrees,  and  to  exhibit  them  on  notice- 
boards,  and  we  order  the  Prefects  and  District  Magistrates, 
and  all  schoolmasters,  to  explain  these  decrees  to  the 
people.  And  likewise,  we  command  the  Treasurers,  Pro- 
vincial Judges,  District  Inspectors,  Prefects,  heads  of  dis- 
tricts and  sub-districts,  to  lay  before  us,  without  fear, 
statements  of  their  views  on  all  imperial  questions.  And 
these  statements  are  to  be  forwarded  to  us  sealed,  and  must 
on  no  account  be  kept  back  by  Viceroys  and  Governors. 
Finally,  we  order  the  present  decree  to  be  exhibited  in  a 
prominent  place,  in  the  offices  of  all  Viceroys  and  Gov- 
ernors.” 


This  is  a most  important  document,  and  the 
key  to  much  that  will  happen  in  the  natural  course 
of  events  in  the  Chinese  Empire  during  the  next 
few  years.  It  is  the  personal  confession  of  faith 
of  the  despotic  Ruler  of  four  hundred  millions, 
more  than  a quarter  of  the  whole  human  race. 
To  carry  out  a programme  like  this  Kuang-Hsu 
had  need  to  be  endowed  with  an  uncommonly 
strong  will,  and,  further,  with  unerring  insight 
into  the  character  of  his  helpers.  Very  much  of 
future  history  depends  on  his  possession  of  these 
two  gifts. 

Another  projected  reform  is  intended  to  cut  at 


Reproduced  from  Harper  s Weekly 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


69 


the  root  of  what  is  certainly  the  greatest  evil  in 
the  system  of  Chinese  Government — the  malver- 
sation of  the  revenues,  made  possible  by  the  very 
loose  system  of  accounts  in  vogue  in  the  Treasury 
Department.  An  autocrat  has  been  defined  as 
one  whose  budget  is  not  audited;  if  this  be  so, 
the  Chinese  Empire  is  suffering  from  an  epidemic 
of  autocrats.  This  time  the  trouble  lies  not  so 
much  with  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  as  with 
their  friends,  the  Publicans  and  Sinners — the 
farmers  of  taxes,  who  bid  so  much  for  the  right 
to  extort  what  they  can  from  a long-suffering 
public.  The  result  of  this  malversation  is  such 
that  while  the  taxable  capacity  of  China  is  simply 
enormous,  the  system  of  peculation  is  so  thorough 
and  so  much  sticks  to  the  fingers  of  the  collectors 
that  the  Government  is  almost  chronically  bank- 
rupt. The  estimated  revenue  of  the  Chinese 
Empire  amounts  to  about  twenty  cents  a year  for 
each  inhabitant.  This  is  about  one-fiftieth  of  the 
rate  for  most  European  countries,  and  less  than 
one-hundredth  of  that  of  some.  So  that  if  the 
revenues  of  China  were  raised  to  about  the  same 
level  per  head  as,  say,  those  of  Belgium  or 
Austria-Hungary,  China  would  have  a sum  of 
from  four  to  eight  thousand  million  dollars  a year 
to  apply  to  imperial  and  administrative  purposes. 
And  should  the  innovations  contemplated  by 


70 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Kuang-Hsu  really  be  introduced,  there  is  not  the 
faintest  doubt  that  China  could  bear  as  heavy 
taxes  as  Belgium  or  Austria-Hungary,  and  in 
that  case  what  a formidable  vista  is  opened  up 
in  the  direction  of  allotments  for  the  Chinese 
Army  and  Navy  to  be  turned  out  of  the  new  and 
modernized  schools.  Further,  what  sums  could 
be  spent  on  bounties  to  enable  any  and  every 
manufacture  to  compete  with  European  rival 
products,  not  only  in  China,  but  in  all  the  markets 
of  the  world.  The  open  door  is  one  of  those 
beautiful  rules  that  may  work  both  ways.  Suppos- 
ing the  door  should  be  found  to  open  outwards  as 
well  as  inwards,  and  supposing  the  first  thing  to 
come  forth  were  a flood  of  subsidized  screw-nails, 
sufficient  to  drive  Air.  Chamberlain  out  of  the 
market,  would  there  not  be  a sort  of  poetic  justice 
in  that? 

As  far  as  the  revenue  is  concerned,  Kuang- 
Hsu’s  avowed  purpose  does  not  go  beyond  a 
stricter  system  of  accounts,  a stoppage  of  some 
of  the  innumerable  leaks  in  the  aqueducts  which 
deprive  the  imperial  reservoirs  of  their  supplies. 
But  even  a slight  measure  of  success  in  this  direc- 
tion will  raise  the  revenue  of  China  to  a for- 
midable amount,  and,  further,  would  increase  her 
borrowing  power  practically  without  limit. 

And  here  we  approach  a very  important  matter 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


7 1 


from  an  international  standpoint.  To  carry  out 
these  schemes  requires  an  army  of  trained  and 
honest  administrators;  it  also  requires  consider- 
able material  resources  to  keep  things  going  while 
the  changes  are  being  introduced.  But,  while 
there  are  doubtless  many  strong  and  honest  men 
in  China,  the  Emperor  does  not  seem  as  yet  to 
have  laid  his  hand  on  them ; and,  as  an  alternative, 
he  suggests,  or  adopts  the  suggestion  of,  a very 
remarkable  measure.  It  is  nothing  less  than  an 
appeal  to  Japan  to  lend  China  a band  of  trained 
administrators,  such  as  England  has  lent  to 
Egypt  and  India.  Only,  in  the  case  of  China,  the 
initiative  comes  from  the  borrower,  not  from  the 
lender.  And  in  the  light  of  this  idea  the  recent 
Japanese  mission  to  Peking,  under  Marquis  Ito, 
acquires  a new  significance. 

An  excellent  statement  of  this  side  of  the  ques- 
tion appeared  in  a recent  number  of  one  of  the 
Peking  radical  papers.  It  is  worth  quoting  at 
some  length. 

The  writer  begins  by  citing  instances  from  the 
early  history  of  China,  and  the  story  of  Peter  the 
Great,  to  show  that  reforms  may  best  be  carried 
out  by  foreign  agents.  He  then  urges  the  Em- 
peror to  seek  the  assistance  of  Marquis  Ito  in  the 
task  of  regenerating  China,  asserting  that  only  by 
a Japanese  alliance  can  China  take  a firm  attitude 


72 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


toward  foreign  powers  and  keep  back  the  horrors 
of  a general  war.  He  continues: 

“If  Your  Majesty  could  only  persuade  Marquis  Ito  to 
become  confidential  adviser  of  China,  the  reforms  which 
you  have  undertaken  would  be  promptly  carried  out,  and 
the  international  bond  between  China  and  Japan  would  be 
greatly  reinforced;  while  without  Japan’s  help,  the  early 
realization  of  these  reforms  is  impossible.  Even  granting 
that,  among  the  Chinese  who  have  recently  entered  the 
arena  of  public  life,  a few  may  be  found  endowed  with 
the  necessary  strength  of  will,  they  are  certain  to  meet  with 
numberless  hindrances,  caused  by  the  envy  and  fear  of  the 
enemies  of  progress.  They  will  spend  their  energies  and 
lose  their  reputations  in  vain  efforts,  and  the  ills  of  the 
body  politic  will  remain  uncured.  On  the  other  hand, 
Marquis  Ito,  as  the  experienced  minister  of  a foreign  gov- 
ernment, who  possesses  Your  Majesty’s  fullest  confidence, 
and  who  is  well  known  to  fame,  could  have  nothing  to  fear 
from  intrigues  in  the  task  of  introducing  reforms.  And 
foreign  powers,  in  their  international  relations  with  China, 
would  begin  to  treat  our  country  in  a very  different  manner. 
Their  schemes  of  aggrandizement  at  our  expense  would 
instantly  relax,  and  this  would  be  the  beginning  of  the 
transformation  of  China  from  a poor  and  weak  country, 
surrounded  with  dangers,  into  a land  full  of  wealth  and 
strength,  and  rejoicing  in  the  blessings  of  assured  peace. 
This  is  the  first  reason  why  we  must  borrow  talent  from 
other  nations. 

“ The  fundamental  principles  of  Chinese  policy  are  isola- 
tion and  separation,  whilst  among  Western  nations  the 
principles  of  government  are  the  very  opposite  of  these, 
namely,  intercourse  and  union ; principles  which  serve  to 
bring  about  the  development  of  moral  and  material  re- 
sources, while  isolation  and  exclusion  lead  to  the  very 
opposite  result.  To  these  two  principles,  intercourse  and 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


73 


union,  the  nations  of  the  West  are  indebted  for  their 
greatness  and  civilization. 

“ From  the  geographical  point  of  view,  nations  inhabiting 
the  same  continent  should  first  unite  among  themselves. 
From  the  point  of  view  of  race  and  language,  it  is  best  for 
kindred  peoples  to  be  joined.  The  peoples  of  Europe  and 
America  do  not  inhabit  the  same  continent  as  ourselves; 
they  belong  to  another  race,  and  speak  other  tongues. 
Therefore,  in  view  of  these  natural  obstacles,  they  cannot 
be  closely  united  with  China.  It  is  quite  otherwise  with 
Japan.  Although,  carried  away  by  her  extremely  rapid 
progress,  and  that  unexpected  development  which  roused 
the  apprehensions  of  both  Europe  and  America,  Japan  made 
war  on  China,  yet,  when  confronted  by  Russia,  Japan  was 
helpless.  It  is  true  that,  in  order  to  counterbalance  Russia, 
Japan  is  making  friends  with  England;  but  experienced 
men  of  affairs  are  convinced  that  war  between  them  cannot 
be  averted  in  the  future.  Whichever  side  wins,  there  will 
be  great  changes  in  the  balance  of  power  in  Asia.  England 
approached  Japan  solely  because  of  Russia;  England  is 
foreign  to  us  in  race ; she  is  foreign  to  us  therefore  in  spirit 
also.  What  if  England,  whose  sole  motive  is  profit,  should 
find  it  profitable  to  change  sides  and  enter  into  an  alliance 
with  Russia?  Then  Japan,  standing  alone,  would  certainly 
perish.  Therefore  Japan’s  natural  ally  is  China.  If  the 
Celestial  Empire,  with  its  vast  natural  resources,  its  huge 
area,  its  enormous  population,  should  really  enter  into  an 
alliance  with  Japan,  borrowing  from  Japan  new  methods 
for  the  development  of  China’s  resources,  and  for  the  educa- 
tion of  competent  men,  then  Japan  and  China  together,  in 
firm  union  and  alliance,  could  easily  withstand  either  Russia 
or  England,  and  assure  a general  peace.  This  would  secure 
the  integrity  of  the  Chinese  Emperor’s  hereditary  domin- 
ions, and  put  an  end  to  foreign  encroachment.  The  designs 
of  foreign  nations  can  only  be  withstood  by  the  material 
might  of  China,  acting  under  the  moral  and  intellectual 


74 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


guidance  of  Japan.  Russia  cherishes  designs  of  encroach- 
ment on  the  north;  as  regards  England,  which  is  striving 
to  maintain  peace  and  gain  its  own  ends,  its  demands  make 
Russian  policy  necessary,  but  in  reality  England’s  designs 
are  wholly  commercial  and  selfish.  If  an  alliance  existed 
between  China  and  Japan,  Russia  could  doubtless  carry  out 
her  design  of  a Congress  in  the  interests  of  universal  peace, 
and  could  enter  into  enduring  and  peaceable  relations  with 
the  other  nations  of  Europe.  This  is  not  only  very  desirable 
for  China  and  Japan,  but  it  is  an  object  worthy  of  the 
sincere  aspiration  of  the  whole  human  race.” 

At  this  point  a temporary  stop  was  put  to  the 
Chinese  dream  of  regeneration  by  the  interposi- 
tion of  the  Conservative  party,  under  the  leader- 
ship of  the  Dowager*  Empress  Tshu-Chsi.  This 
very  remarkable  woman  is  the  widow  of  the 
Emperor  I-Tshu,  and  was  co-ruler  with  the 
Emperor  Chai-Chun  from  1861  to  1875,  when 
Kuang-Hsu  nominally  ascended  the  throne,  being 
then  three  years  old.  As  a result  of  her  interposi- 
tion, the  Imperial  Gazette  announced,  as  we  all 
remember,  that  the  Emperor  found  it  impossible 
to  deal  unaided  with  the  vast  mass  of  administra- 
tive affairs  in  the  present  critical  condition  of 
the  Empire,  “ and  requested  Her  Majesty,  the 
Dowager  Empress,  who  had  twice  directed  the 
affairs  of  China  with  marked  success,  to  lend  him 
her  guidance  in  the  conduct  of  imperial  business.” 
Then  came  three  edicts;  First,  the  quite  credible 
announcement  that  the  young  Emperor  “ was 


THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  REFORM. 


75 


very  sick;”  then,  that  several  reforms  were  post- 
poned, the  famous  Six  Boards  being  reinstated ; 
and,  lastly,  a series  of  vigorous  measures  directed 
against  the  young  Emperor’s  advisers.  Finally 
it  was  declared  that,  as  of  yore,  the  Empire  would 
be  governed  according  to  the  principles  of  the 
sage  Confucius. 

One  of  the  principles  of  this  sage  is  obedience 
to  parents;  and  we  must  take  into  account  the 
enormous  moral  weight  this  obligation  has  in 
China  before  too  hastily  accusing  the  young  Em- 
peror of  cowardice  and  supineness.  But  time  is 
on  his  side. 

It  is  always  a delicate  matter  to  speak  of  a 
lady’s  age,  especially  if  that  lady  be  an  Empress; 
but  the  masterful  Dowager  is  not  far  from  the 
patriarchal  three  score  years  and  ten,  while  her 
right-hand  man,  the  hardly  less  masterful  Li 
Hung  Chang,  is  seventy-five.  These  two  are 
certainly  among  the  twenty  most  considerable 
personalities  in  the  world  at  this  moment,  a suffi- 
cient evidence  that  the  Chinese  race  is  not  effete. 
But  mortality  will  claim  its  own,  and  then  will 
come  the  turn  of  young  Kuang-Hsu.  If  it  comes 
even  four  or  five  years  hence,  he  will  be  only 
about  thirty,  and  his  character  will  have  matured 
in  the  meantime.  I have  quoted  two  Chinese 
documents  at  length,  in  order  to  show  that,  if  we 


;6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


are  counting  on  the  moral  and  intellectual  in- 
feriority of  the  Chinese,  we  are  suffering  from 
a dangerous  illusion.  Therefore  the  success  of 
the  young  Emperor’s  plans  is  quite  a probable 
event ; and  that  success  will  mean  a huge  revenue 
for  China ; a vast  army  and  fleet  on  the  most 
modern  models,  with  skilled  officers,  probably 
Japanese;  a quite  unlimited  power  to  subsidize 
Chinese  manufacture  against  all  the  world’s  com- 
petition, with  a working  class  of  hundreds  of 
millions  ready  to  accept  marvellously  low  wages 
and  quick  to  master  the  cheapest  and  best  meth- 
ods. In  a word,  it  would  mean  the  possible 
swamping  of  Western  lands,  in  a military  as  well 
as  a commercial  sense.  So  that  the  policy  of  the 
door  which  may  open  outwards  is  about  the  most 
dangerous  for  the  West  that  could  well  be  con- 
ceived. 


Charles  Johnston. 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES  IN  CHINA. 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES  IN  CHINA. 

The  map  of  China  is  bewildering,  but  inter- 
esting. It  shows  the  first  empire  of  the  world 
in  population  and  the  third  in  area — more  than 
400,000,000  people  in  4,300,000  square  miles. 
It  reveals  a wonderful  winding  coast-line  of 
2,000  miles,  facing  seas  teeming  with  commerce 
and  trade.  Populous  cities  are  located  along 
every  few  days’  journey,  and  landlocked  harbors 
make  frequent  indentations.  Into  the  vast  in- 
terior run  great  navigable  waterways,  with  in- 
numerable lesser  tributaries  and  canals.  Few 
high  mountains  break  the  surface,  and  the  con- 
formation of  the  land  is  plainly  adapted  to  sup- 
porting countless  millions  of  people.  Travel  in- 
land from  the  treaty  ports  adds  to  the  interest 
aroused  by  study  of  geographical  plates.  There 
is  little  to  disappoint,  because  there  is  much  to 
pleasantly  surprise.  China  may  be  deemed  bar- 
baric by  the  unthinking  foreigner,  but  the  ob- 
serving student  everywhere  finds  evidence  of 


8o 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


former  civilization,  and  discovers  potentialities 
for  future  development. 

The  government  may  be  weak,  but  the  people 
are  still  virile.  The  lack  of  material  progress  is 
largely  responsible  for  China’s  stagnant  con- 
dition. She  long  ago  reached  the  limit  under 
her  ancient  system  of  education,  law,  govern- 
ment, transportation,  and  commerce.  What  she 
now  needs  is  the  quickening  touch  of  the  ma- 
terial hand,  protected  by  an  enlightened  admin- 
istration of  government,  law  and  order.  We 
must  be  charitable  toward  China.  Her  short- 
comings may  be  largely  attributed  to  dry-rot, 
which  may  characterize  any  older  government, 
and  which,  in  lesser  terms,  is  so  often  found  in 
long-established  but  wealthy  business  houses. 

Reorganized  in  absolute  independence  or 
under  foreign  protection,  China  may  become,  in 
another  generation,  one  of  the  first-class  Powers 
of  the  world,  in  fact  as  well  as  in  theory.  She 
may  rival  and  surpass  the  record  of  Japan.  She 
has  the  natural  resources,  the  population  and  the 
location  necessary  for  a brilliant  development. 
With  the  interior  gridironed  with  railways, 
canals  dredged,  river  bars  deepened,  mines 
opened,  roads  built,  likin  and  “ squeeze”  taxes 
abolished,  all  ports  and  points  open  to  foreign 
trade,  and  honest  administration  inaugurated, 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES. 


81 


China  will  astound  the  world  with  her  capabili- 
ties. Possibly  she  is  now  on  the  verge  of  giving 
us  that  welcome  surprise. 

What  is  to  be  the  outcome  of  the  present 
crisis?  It  would  seem  that  it  must  be  one  of  the 
following  possibilities:  First,  China  may  be  ex- 
periencing a narrow  escape  from  permanent 
“ break-up,”  by  which  she  will  receive  the  last 
warning  that  will  arouse  her  from  the  lethargy 
of  the  past,  and,  imitating  Japan,  make  her  be- 
come a mighty  Asiatic  power.  Second,  she  may 
be  forced  by  the  combined  moral  and  physical 
influence  of  foreign  nations  to  reorganize  her 
government  under  their  temporary  direction  and 
guidance,  and  so  eventually  save  her  integrity. 
Third,  she  may  be  placed  under  a joint  protec- 
torate of  the  Powers  until  she  shall  prove 
whether  she  will  be  able  to  stand  alone  under 
new  conditions  or  must  be  partitioned  among 
them.  Fourth,  she  may  be  divided  into  ad- 
mitted spheres  of  influence,  where  each  Power 
will  be  supreme,  and  actual  sovereignty  will  re- 
sult in  time. 

It  is  to  be  sincerely  hoped  that  the  first  may 
be  possible,  but,  if  not,  the  heroic  method  of  the 
second  or  third  may  be  necessary.  The  last  is 
least  desirable,  but  the  most  threatening.  The 
general  belief  of  the  lay  world  seems  to  be  that 


82 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  “ break-up”  of  the  Empire  is  at  hand,  and 
therefore  laymen  as  well  as  heads  of  foreign 
offices  are  reported  as  contemplating  how  such 
division  of  China  would  affect  each  nation.  I 
say  the  last  suggestion  is  the  least  desirable,  be- 
cause it  seems  least  adapted  to  protect  Ameri- 
can interests,  and  means  the  end  of  one  of  the 
greatest  empires  in  the  world’s  history  which  is 
deserving  of  a better  fate.  A wide  realm  where 
America  now  has  equal  rights  of  trade  with 
every  other  foreign  nation,  and  where  uniform 
duties  prevail,  would  be  ruthlessly  parcelled  out 
among  European  nations  which  are  competitors 
with  us  for  the  Chinese  markets,  and  would 
have  a distinct  advantage  over  us,  even  if  they 
did  not  apply  tangible  discriminating  duties.  No 
two  sections  would  have  like  tariffs.  Conditions 
of  commerce  would  vary  according  to  the  char- 
acteristics and  methods  of  the  controlling 
power.  We  might  be  safe  and  even  better  off 
in  the  Yang-tse  Valley,  but  entirely  shut  off  in 
Shengking,  Shansi  and  Shan-tung  on  the  north, 
or  in  Kwangtung  and  Kwangsi  on  the  south. 
The  negotiations  of  Secretary  Hay  should  pro- 
tect our  rights  even  if  China  be  divided,  but  dip- 
lomatic assurances  of  the  present  may  be  newly 
interpreted  under  future  changed  conditions. 
Possession  is  nine-tenths  of  the  law.  What 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES. 


83 


policy  Russia,  France  and  Germany  might  fol- 
low when  their  respective  spheres  become  sov- 
ereign domain  would,  I fear,  be  little  influenced 
by  their  present  “ open-door”  promises.  True, 
if  these  theoretical  divisions  remain  purely  and 
simply  “ spheres  of  influence,”  we  should  be 
safe;  but  the  moment  the  evolution  into  areas 
of  sovereignty  is  completed,  we  will  not  be  able 
to  depend  on  any  former  treaty  rights,  but  only 
and  entirely  on  our  capabilities  for  successful 
competition  in  spite  of  local  tariffs. 

The  cotton  manufacturers  of  America,  espe- 
cially those  of  the  Southern  States,  are  more 
concerned  than  any  other  export  interests. 
Their  trade  in  North  China,  the  seat  of  the  pres- 
ent “ Boxer”  troubles,  has  grown  in  ten  years 
from  $1,600,000  to  $10,000,000,  and  bids  fair, 
under  favorable  conditions,  to  grow  to  $25,000,- 
000  in  the  near  future.  They  fear  that  if  Russia 
obtain  absolute  possession  there  will  be  discrim- 
ination in  this  particular  section  in  favor  of  the 
new  cotton-mills  of  southern  Russia,  and  that 
they  will  eventually  be  crowded  out,  where 
under  Chinese  sovereignty  they  would  be  safe. 
Russia’s  diplomatic  promises  on  this  point  may 
sound  honest,  and  they  may  be  honest  and  sin- 
cere at  the  present,  but  no  one  can  tell  what  will 
be  the  influence  of  the  Russian  cotton-spinners 


84 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


on  a new  ministry.  If  Secretary  Hay  has  safe- 
guarded American  interests  into  a possible 
period  of  sovereignty,  he  has  indeed  won  a no- 
table victory.  Let  us  hope  that  he  has  suc- 
ceeded on  this  very  point,  and  that  future  events 
will  attest  his  foresight. 

I must  admit,  on  the  other  hand,  that  I 
take  a more  optimistic  view  of  Russian  influence 
than  many  others.  It  would  seem  to  me  that 
throughout  Russia,  and  especially  in  Asiatic 
Russia,  the  United  States  is  to  find  one  of  its 
largest  and  most  remunerative  markets.  Russia 
is  just  entering  on  a period  of  material  develop- 
ment, which  will  make  immense  demands  on 
both  our  raw  and  manufactured  products.  The 
effect  of  the  completion  of  the  Trans-Siberian 
Railway  will  be  everywhere  awaited  with  pro- 
found interest,  but  the  cost  of  such  a long  land 
haul  of  freight  to  Eastern  Siberia  and  China  will 
always  give  an  advantage  in  favor  of  our  prod- 
ucts shipped  across  the  Pacific  direct,  or  by  the 
Nicaragua  Canal  from  New  Orleans  and  New 
York. 

Before  discussing  what  may  be  the  territorial 
limits  of  spheres  of  influence  or  areas  of  control, 
it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  several  influences  that 
will  tend  to  keep  China  intact.  First,  she  has 
survived  many  other  shocks,  some  of  which 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES. 


85 


were  as  severe  as  this,  notably  the  brief  wars  with 
Japan,  France  and  England,  and  former  rebel- 
lions. Second,  the  Powers  of  Europe  and  Japan 
are  keenly  jealous  of  each  other,  and  will  admit 
of  no  division  that  is  not  satisfactory.  They 
may  even  become  engaged  in  international  war, 
and  China  be  the  least  sufferer.  Third,  the 
United  States,  which  in  a way  holds  the  key  to 
the  moral  situation,  is  opposed  to  any  aliena- 
tion of  territory,  while  Great  Britain  and  Japan 
maintain  the  same  attitude.  Fourth,  there  is  a 
large  element  of  very  able  men  in  China,  despite 
common  opinion  to  the  contrary,  that  have  suf- 
ficient statesmanlike  qualities  to  govern  China 
wisely  and  successfully.  These  would  be  sup- 
ported by  a considerable  part  of  the  population 
that  is  ready  to  take  active  interest  in  public 
affairs,  if  there  be  no  danger  of  political  exile  or 
punishment.  Who  can  doubt  the  ability  of  such 
men,  for  instance,  as  the  eminent  Chinese  Min- 
ister at  Washington  to  take  the  lead  in  guiding 
China  out  of  her  present  difficulties?  Fifth,  it 
will  be  found  that  China’s  particular  weakness 
in  the  present  trouble  is  the  lack  of  national 
police,  or  of  organized  forces  of  law  and  order, 
such  as  a well-trained  army.  If  she  had  pos- 
sessed even  a small,  trustworthy,  well-disciplined 
force  under  foreign  officers,  the  present  riots 


86 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


could  have  been  put  down  at  the  moment  and 
place  of  inception.  The  rest  of  the  world  would 
hardly  have  noticed  the  disturbance. 

Therefore,  if  China  will  immediately  reor- 
ganize her  essential  forces  of  order  throughout 
the  Empire,  she  will  take  the  first  principal  step 
to  preserve  her  integrity. 

Further  study  of  the  map  of  eastern  Asia  will 
assist  in  comprehending  the  extent  of  possible 
spheres  of  influence.  We  will  assume  that  Rus- 
sia, Great  Britain,  Germany,  France,  Japan  and 
possibly  Italy  are  the  Powers  that  would  share 
in  any  spoliation  of  Cathay.  Russia  first  inter- 
ests us  because  of  her  territorial  preponderance 
on  the  north  and  her  aggressive  policy  in  Man- 
churia. Were  China  divided  Russia’s  allotment 
would  probably  include  all  Manchuria,  with  an 
area  of  364,000  square  miles  and  population  of 
10,000,000;  Mongolia,  with  an  area  of  1,300,000 
square  miles  and  population  of  2,000,000;  East 
Turkestan  and  Jungaria,  with  550,000  square 
miles  and  1,000,000  people.  With  these  she 
would  also  claim  the  northern  province  of  Chi-li, 
in  which  Peking  and  Tientsin  are  located,  and 
which  has  an  area  of  115,000  square  miles — as 
much  as  the  Philippines — a population  of  20,- 
000,000,  and  a frontage  on  the  gulf  of  Pechili. 
Altogether,  Russia’s  sphere  would  include  an 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES. 


87 


area  of  2,300,000  square  miles,  or  equal  to  two- 
thirds  of  the  United  States  proper,  and  a popu- 
lation of  43,000,000. 

Germany,  beginning  with  Shan-tung,  would 
demand  the  hinterland  of  Shansi,  Shensi, 
Honan  and  Kansu,  with  a combined  area  of 
406,000  square  miles  and  a population  of  76,- 
000,000.  She  would  require  the  southern  end 
of  Chili  to  connect  Shan-tung  with  the  hinter- 
land, but  Russia  could  easily  grant  that  conces- 
sion. Control  of  this  section  of  China  would 
give  to  Germany  the  greater  part  of  the  valley 
of  the  Hoangho  and  a considerable  portion  of 
the  Grand  Canal. 

Great  Britain  has  always  laid  claim  to  the 
Yang-tse  Valley  as  the  natural  thoroughfare  and 
connection  through  China  to  her  Indian  posses- 
sions, and  as  the  section  in  which  she  has  done 
the  most  to  develop  commerce  and  resources. 
Were  this  apportioned  to  her,  she  would  control 
part  of  Kiangsu  on  the  coast,  Anhui,  Hupeh, 
part  of  Kiangsi,  Hunan,  Szechuan,  Kweichau, 
part  of  Yunnan,  and  also  portions  of  Kwangsi 
and  Kwangtung,  to  connect  with  Hongkong 
and  Kowloon  at  the  mouth  of  the  West  River. 
The  area  occupied  would  exceed  800,000  square 
miles,  and  contain  a population  of  190,000,000. 
If  Russia  were  given  all  Mongolia  and  Tur- 


88 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


kestan,  Great  Britain,  in  order  to  protect  India, 
would  claim  Tibet,  including  Koko  Nor,  with  an 
area  of  650,000  square  miles  and  a population  of 
6,000,000. 

France,  from  her  position  in  Tonkin  and  An- 
nam,  would  be  allotted  all  that  portion  of 
Kwangtung  and  Kwangsi  south  of  the  West 
River,  the  island  of  Hainan  and  southern  Yun- 
nan. This  would  well  round  out  her  Asiatic  de- 
pendencies, and  give  her  an  added  area  of  160,- 
000  square  miles,  or  larger  than  France  proper, 
and  an  increased  population  of  30,000,000. 
Canton,  the  populous  capital  of  southern  China, 
would  be  included  in  British  territory. 

Japan  would  claim  the  rich  province  of 
Fukien,  which  is  just  across  the  channel  from 
her  possession  of  Formosa.  With  it  she  might 
acquire  portions  on  Kiangsi  and  northern 
Kwangtung.  Fukien  has  within  its  limits  the 
large  prosperous  cities  of  Fuchau  and  Amoy. 
Her  Chinese  spoils  would  aggregate  25,000,000 
in  population  and  50,000  miles  in  area.  Japan, 
moreover,  would  be  a thorn  in  the  side  of  Rus- 
sia and  Germany,  and  when  they  were  demand- 
ing vast  portions  of  China  she  might  quietly  in- 
sist on  annexing  the  major  portion  of  Korea. 

Italy  would  ask  for  fertile  Chekiang,  on  whose 
coast  is  located  San-mun  Bay.  This  province 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES. 


89 


has  an  area  of  35,000  square  miles  and  a popula- 
tion of  12,000,000,  and  includes  the  ports  of 
Ningpo  and  Hangchau. 

Glancing  at  a few  more  details  of  possible 
division,  we  note  that  Great  Britain  would  prob- 
ably hold  that  part  of  the  Shan-tung  promontory 
in  which  Wei-hai-wei  and  Chefoo  are  located. 
Russia  would  not  only  control  Peking,  Tientsin 
and  Taku,  but  Niuchwang,  one  of  the  important 
gateways  to  Manchuria.  Here  again  Japan 
might  interfere  and  claim  territory  in  the  gulf  of 
Pechili,  and  possibly  insist  on  having  part  of 
Chi-li. 

America  should  resist  with  all  her  moral  in- 
fluence such  parcelling  out  of  the  Empire,  and 
may  prevent  it.  She  cannot  declare  war  on 
European  nations  in  order  to  save  China;  she 
can  accomplish  more  by  a firm,  peaceful  than  by 
a belligerent  attitude.  She  should  insist  on  her 
rights,  but  not  join  in  a scramble  for  territory. 

Through  all  this  crisis  and  its  ultimate  solu- 
tion, America  must  stand  for  the  integrity  of  the 
Empire,  and  the  “ open  door”  as  guaranteed  by 
the  original  treaties  with  China  and  confirmed 
by  the  recent  negotiations  of  Secretary  Hay. 

America’s  direct  trade  with  China  amounted 
in  1899  to  $33,000,000,  or  one-tenth  of  the  total 
foreign  commerce  of  $330,000,000.  This  is  an 


90 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


increase  of  ioo  per  cent,  for  America  and  China 
respectively  in  ten  years.  If  we  include  $10,- 
000,000  trade  with  Hongkong  we  have  the  com- 
paratively large  annual  total  of  $43,000,000 
with  China,  which  makes  us  third  in  the  race. 
We  follow  Great  Britain  and  Japan,  but  lead 
Russia,  Germany  and  France.  On  the  ground  of 
commerce  we  have  more  right  to  interfere  at 
Peking  than  the  Continental  Powers  of  Europe. 

In  face  of  the  immediate  necessity  of  protect- 
ing life  and  property,  it  is  well  to  remember  fur- 
thermore that  America  has  more  at  stake,  exclu- 
sive of  ceded  or  leased  ports  and  army  garrisons, 
than  any  other  nation  except  Great  Britain. 

As  the  original  treaty  conception  of  the  “ open 
door”  is  hazy  to  many  who  have  not  taken  the 
trouble  to  study  the  question,  I will  quote  the 
wording  of  our  first  convention  with  China,  con- 
cluded July  3,  1844,  at  Wang  Hiya  and  nego- 
tiated by  Caleb  Cushing: 

“ Citizens  of  the  United  States  resorting  to 
China  for  the  purposes  of  commerce  will  pay  the 
duties  of  import  and  export  described  in  the 
tariff,  which  is  fixed  by  and  made  part  of  this 
treaty.  They  shall  in  no  case  be  subject  to  other 
or  higher  duties  than  are  or  shall  be  required  of 
the  people  of  any  other  nation  whatever  . . . 
and  if  additional  advantages  and  privileges  of 


POLITICAL  POSSIBILITIES. 


9i 


whatever  description  be  conceded  hereafter  by 
China  to  any  other  nation,  the  United  States 
and  the  citizens  thereof  shall  be  entitled  there- 
upon to  a complete,  equal  and  impartial  partici- 
pation in  the  same.” 

Later  treaties,  including  that  of  Tientsin,  con- 
cluded June  1 8,  1858,  by  William  B.  Reed,  that 
of  Shanghai,  concluded  November  8,  the  same 
year,  by  the  same  plenipotentiary,  that  of  Wash- 
ington, July  28,  1868,  by  William  H.  Seward 
and  Anson  Burlingame,  and  that  of  Peking,  No- 
vember 17,  1880,  by  James  B.  Angell,  all  con- 
firmed or  enlarged  upon  these  rights  first 
granted. 


John  Barrett. 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM. 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM. 


China  is  not  a savage  land,  her  people  are  not 
barbarians.  Her  hoary  civilization,  however,  has 
rusted  out.  Civil  order  is  a sine  qua  non  in  a 
self-governing,  self-respecting  State.  It  is  my 
purpose  to  deal  with  lawless  occurrences  which 
have  taken  place  in  various  parts  of  China  during 
the  last  two  years;  which  are  matters  of  record, 
and  about  which  there  is  no  doubt  or  exaggera- 
tion. It  might  be  concluded  from  these  occur- 
rences that  all  foreigners  in  China  have  been  in 
imminent  peril.  But,  in  point  of  fact,  the  vast 
majority  of  merchants  and  missionaries,  whether 
in  port  cities  or  in  the  interior,  have  been  undis- 
turbed in  their  rights.  Nevertheless,  it  is  also 
clear  from  the  facts  that  no  one  knows  when  mob 
violence  will  stop  at  his  door. 

Lord  Charles  Beresford  told  us  when  here,  and 
has  since  written  down,  the  revelations  of  in- 
capacity and  supineness  made  to  him  by  the  high 
officials  of  China.  Though  this  supineness  has 


96 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


long  been  painfully  apparent,  yet  no  such  official 
acknowledgment  of  it  has  ever  before  come  to 
light.  It  shocks  one  to  know  that  the  Prince- 
President  of  the  Tsung-li-Yamen,  the  Viceroys 
ruling  Kiangsu,  Anhui,  Kiangsi,  Hupei,  Hunan, 
Fukien  and  Szechuan  provinces  and  others,  admit 
their  inability  to  protect  foreigners  or  foreign 
interests  in  China.  Lord  Beresford  was  led  to 
the  conclusion  that  “ there  is  no  real  security  for 
commerce  throughout  the  whole  of  China.” 

The  outrages  have  not  been  directed  against 
any  one  class  of  foreigners.  Arson  and  murder- 
ous assault  have  been  indiscriminately  perpetrated 
upon  diplomatists,  consuls,  missionaries,  scien- 
tists, customs  officers  and  business  men.  Roman 
Catholic  priests  and  convents,  however,  have  been 
rather  more  often  the  victims  of  the  malice  of  the 
people.  In  travelling  in  all  parts  of  China  many 
of  these  outrages  on  foreigners  have  been  person- 
ally investigated  by  the  writer. 

At  Shasi,  in  Hupei  province,  above  Hankow, 
mobs  sacked  and  burned  the  Imperial  customs 
house  and  residence,  the  Japanese  Consulate,  a 
mercantile  store-ship  and  the  Swedish  mission. 
The  foreigners  escaped  in  boats  on  the  Yang-tse. 
The  riot  was,  apparently,  premeditated  and  care- 
fully planned.  On  the  same  night,  four  hundred 
miles  from  Shasi,  placards  having  called  for  the 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM. 


97 


expulsion  of  the  “ foreign  dogs,”  and  the  officials 
doing  nothing  to  prevent  outrage,  the  mission- 
aries escaped  from  the  mobs  which  held  both  the 
roads,  and  drifted  away  in  a rowboat. 

Near  Peking,  the  chief  engineer  of  the  Imperial 
Railway,  an  officer  of  the  British  Legation,  and 
a major  of  the  English  army,  while  inspecting 
a portion  of  the  new  railway,  were  attacked  by 
Chinese  soldiers,  badly  bruised,  and  left  in  a 
bleeding  condition.  Soldiers  also  attacked  Mr. 
Demston’s  house,  and,  killing  one  servant,  looted 
the  place.  At  Mentze,  in  Yunan,  the  French  con- 
sulate was  recently  plundered,  and  the  Imperial 
customs  burned  to  the  ground. 

The  province  of  Szechuan  was,  in  1899,  for 
months  in  a state  of  anarchy,  and  the  officials  in 
a state  of  innocuous  desuetude.  The  rebellion  of 
8,000  men,  headed  by  Yu  Man-tze,  had  for  its 
express  purpose  the  driving  out  of  the  foreign 
“ dogs  and  goats.”  The  brigands  attempted  to 
extirpate  the  Christians  of  the  province.  Father 
Fleury  was  captured  by  Yu  Man-tze,  and,  during 
the  eight  months  of  his  captivity,  was  carried 
from  place  to  place,  and  wherever  Christians  were 
found  Yu  had  them  brought  before  Father  Fleury 
and  murdered  at  his  feet.  Such  instances  as  the 
following  have  been  the  order  of  the  day  in 
Szechuan.  At  Shunching,  the  mission  house  was 


98 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


torn  to  pieces,  the  mission  buildings  razed  to  the 
ground,  the  missionary  hunted  for  his  life.  At 
Hopaochang,  the  mission  was  looted,  the  chapel 
burned,  two  priests  captured,  two  servants  killed, 
one  Christian  family  plundered.  At  Hochow,  the 
buildings  of  the  mission  were  burned ; at  Kweifu 
the  mission  ruined.  The  city  of  Kiangpeh  is 
across  the  river  from  the  open  port  of  Chungking. 
A new  dispensary  had  been  opened,  and  two 
Chinese  medical  students  were  temporarily  in 
charge  of  it.  The  place  was  looted  and  one 
student  was  killed.  “ The  powerlessness  of  the 
mandarins  at  such  a crisis  is  really  astonishing, 
and  one  is  forced  to  ask  if  they  are  just  as  power- 
less as  they  appear  to  be.”  Lord  Charles  Beres- 
ford  was  told  that  Yu  and  his  followers  had 
burned  four  thousand  houses  and  thirty  chapels ; 
that  over  20,000  Catholics  had  been  sent  adrift, 
and  property  destroyed  to  the  extent  of  $4,150,- 
000.  This  amount  is  undoubtedly  overstated, 
however. 

An  example  of  what  such  a state  of  affairs  has 
meant  to  the  individual  may  be  seen  in  the  case 
of  Mr.  Parsons,  of  the  Church  Missionary  So- 
ciety. He  left  Chungking  to  go  back  to  his  post 
at  Paoning,  with  an  escort  of  four  soldiers.  In 
crossing  a river  in  a ferryboat,  he  saw  a body  of 
troops  on  the  opposite  bank.  They  raised  the  cry, 


Reproduced  from  Harper  s Weekly 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM.  99 


“ Kill  the  foreigner.”  When  the  boat  reached  the 
bank  his  escort  fled,  and  the  boat  was  over- 
whelmed with  soldiers  belonging  to  Yu  Man-tze. 
Mr.  Parsons  was  attacked  with  swords  and 
knives,  and,  though  he  could  swim  but  little,  he 
threw  himself  into  the  river.  Catching  at  a 
floating  bamboo,  he  kept  his  head  above  water, 
and  drifted  with  the  stream,  while  the  soldiers 
followed  in  a boat,  prodding  at  him  in  the  water. 
At  length  he  got  on  board  of  a Chinese  gunboat 
and  was  saved.  But  the  officers  and  men  of  the 
gunboat  showed  no  opposition  to  the  rebels  or 
their  murderous  assault,  and  did  everything  short 
of  violence  to  keep  him  from  getting  on  the  boat. 

Passing  from  Szechuan  to  Kuichow  province, 
we  must  refer  to  the  murder,  on  the  public  high- 
way, of  Mr.  Fleming,  of  the  China  Inland  Mis- 
sion, and  of  the  Chinese  evangelist  who  was  with 
him.  “ The  evidence  received  from  Kueiyang 
proves  that  the  murder  was  deliberately  planned 
by  the  gentry  and  officials,”  and  yet  the  demand 
of  the  British  Minister  at  Peking  that  the  gov- 
ernor of  the  province  be  degraded,  was  flouted. 
At  the  city  of  Paoching-fu  in  Hunan,  last  Sep- 
tember, a missionary  called  at  the  prefect’s 
Yamen.  A mob  of  between  four  and  five  thou- 
sand men  assembled  and  demanded  the  foreigner. 
He  escaped  at  the  rear  in  a boat.  But  the  mob, 


IOO 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


in  their  attempt  to  get  him,  pulled  down  the  first 
buildings  of  the  Yamen’s  court.  Penetrating  to 
the  inner  court  with  lighted  torches,  they  fired  the 
great  edifice  of  two  hundred  rooms,  and  plundered 
the  chests  in  the  treasury  of  $14,000. 

In  the  north  of  Anhui,  Honan  and  Kiangsu 
provinces,  there  has  been  a serious  armed  rebel- 
lion. The  walled  cities  of  Shuchou,  Mengcheng, 
Meaoerchi  and  Kuyang  were  besieged  and  fell. 
Niu,  the  leader,  butchered  about  two  thousand 
men,  women  and  children  at  the  capture  of  Ku- 
yang. The  city  gates  of  Hsuchou  were  “ deco- 
rated with  several  hundred  queues  and  scalps” — 
the  Red  Indian’s  style  of  civilization!  It  is  be- 
lieved that  over  50,000  people  lost  their  lives  in 
this  rebellion,  which  was  in  the  Yang-tse  basin, 
as  was  also  the  one  in  Szechuan.  In  Anhui  prov- 
ince, Mr.  Cook,  manager  of  the  Pochishan  coal 
mines,  had  trying  times.  Two  hundred  natives 
tried  to  hang  him,  and,  failing  in  that,  to  throw 
him  down  the  shaft  of  the  mine.  After  a desper- 
ate struggle  he  escaped. 

The  working  of  silver  mines  near  Ningpo  has 
been  fraught  with  danger.  The  Fenghua  magis- 
trate decided  to  settle  matters  with  the  town  of 
Sungao.  The  result  was  that  his  soldiers  were 
disarmed  and  imprisoned  by  the  townsmen,  the 
official  himself  was  nearly  stripped  of  his  clothing, 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM.  ioi 


and  his  official  chair  was  added  to  a bonfire.  The 
foreigner  in  charge  of  the  mine  fled  to  the  coun- 
try. The  course  of  the  miner  in  China  is  a tur- 
bulent one. 

The  province  of  Shan-tung  has  been  much 
disturbed  during  the  year.  Missions  were  burned, 
the  houses  of  Christians  pillaged,  the  Christians 
were  harried,  persecuted  and  murdered.  Three 
Germans,  officers  and  gentlemen,  were  murder- 
ously set  upon  by  an  unprovoked  mob,  and  they 
saved  themselves  only  after  shooting  down  some 
of  the  rioters.  Foreigners  in  the  midst  of  this 
upheaval  wrote : “ The  local  officials  are  powerless 
to  punish  the  offenders.”  “ There  is  practically 
no  guarantee  for  the  safety  of  the  lives  and  prop- 
erty of  foreigners  residing  in  the  interior  of 
China.”  This  state  of  affairs  resulted  in  German 
troops  seizing  and  occupying  a walled  city  or  two, 
a hundred  miles  from  the  coast  of  Shan-tung. 
Their  treatment  of  the  Chinese  was  drastic  but 
salutary,  and,  as  a result,  order  is  being  restored. 

Still  another  open  rebellion — this  one  in  south- 
ern China — has  been  quieted  with  difficulty.  In 
Kuangsi  province,  about  7,000  men  were  in  arms. 
The  cities  of  Yunghsien  and  Peilin  were  “ pil- 
laged and  dismantled,”  and  many  other  places 
were  laid  low.  The  proclamation  of  one  Chang 
is  significant  of  the  objective  of  this  rebellion: 


102 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


“ I,  Chang,  obeying  the  orders  of  Heaven  to 
gather  all  the  braves  and  heroes  together,  with 
a special  view  to  seek  revenge  for  the  people,  to 
drive  away  the  foreign  devils  and  to  protect 
China,  have  assembled  over  300  philosophical 
scholars,  about  3,000  military  officers  and  more 
than  30,000  brave  soldiers.”  And  a whole  prov- 
ince in  South  China  was  under  their  sway  for 
several  months. 

Turning  from  southern  China,  I must  refer 
to  the  region  on  the  Yang-tse  of  which  Tchang 
is  the  port  city.  Here  rioting  was  mostly  directed 
against  the  Catholic  Christians.  Chapels  were 
burned,  Christians  robbed  and  their  lands  wrested 
from  them.  One  priest,  followed  by  1,000  con- 
verts, travelled  to  Tchang  for  safety.  The  ban- 
dits had  this  legend  on  their  banners : “ Destroy 
the  foreigner  and  advance  the  dynasty.”  They 
meant  what  they  said,  as  the  story  of  young, 
accomplished  Father  Victorian  shows.  This 
Belgian  priest  was  located  about  100  miles  from 
Tchang.  The  bandits  wrecked  the  mission,  mur- 
dered the  Christians,  captured  Victorian  and  hung 
him  to  a tree.  “ As  this  poor  man  hung  from  the 
tree  to  which  he  was  tied,  pieces  were  cut  from 
his  thighs  and  eaten  by  his  tormentors.  . . . 
Finally  his  body  was  cut  open,  from  the  chest  to 
the  bottom  of  the  abdomen ; he  was  disembowelled, 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM.  103 


and  the  various  organs  were  taken  out  and  eaten 
by  these  semi-civilized  people,  who  at  the  same 
time  drank  his  blood.  He  was  also  mutilated  in 
a way  that  cannot  be  described,  and  his  head  was 
cut  off.”  This  was  penned  by  a person  at  Tchang 
who  saw  Victorian’s  body. 

And,  later  on,  comes  the  premeditated  assault 
on  the  missionaries  of  the  Church  Missionary 
Society  at  Kienning,  in  Fukien  province,  near 
where  the  massacre  occurred  a few  years  ago. 
At  Kienning  the  mob  destroyed  the  church,  the 
mission  house,  the  dispensary,  the  leper  asylum, 
looted  the  hospital,  and  beat  the  brains  out  of  an 
aged  Christian,  throwing  another  Christian  into 
a well.  The  officials  gave  Dr.  Rigg  and  his  asso- 
ciates no  protection  whatever,  though  the  city  had 
been  placarded  for  several  days  to  the  effect  that 
the  foreigners  were  to  be  killed.  Following  the 
attack  on  the  mission,  bills  were  freely  posted,  in 
the  name  of  the  literati,  calling  on  the  people  to 
“ rise  and  kill  every  foreigner,”  and  urging  that 
the  native  Christians  should  be  “ hunted  down 
like  wild  beasts  or  highway  robbers,  and  rooted 
out  until  not  one  remains.” 

We  return  again  to  the  consideration  of  the 
situation  in  North  China.  United  States  Minister 
Conger  told  me,  a few  months  ago,  that  he  was 
really  apprehensive  for  the  safety  of  Americans 


104 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


in  Shan-tung  and  Chi-li.  Since  that  time  the 
Righteous  Harmony  Fists  have  extended  their 
organization,  large  numbers  of  soldiers  and  others 
have  joined  their  ranks.  The  whole  Manchu 
military  force  in  northern  China  is  said  to  be  in 
sympathy  with  them.  The  Rev.  Mr.  Brooks  has 
been  murdered,  hundreds  of  Christians  have  had 
their  houses  burned,  while  many  have  been  killed 
in  cold  blood;  portions  of  the  Lu-Lan  and  the 
Tien  Tsin-Peking  railways  have  been  torn  up,  and 
marines  have  been  landed  from  the  available  ships 
of  war.  The  avowed  and  applauded  object  of 
the  Boxer  organization  is  to  drive  out  the  “ for- 
eign devils.” 

I have  written  enough,  though  not  all.  What 
are  some  of  the  deductions  ? ( i ) The  instances 

cited  have  occurred  in  twelve  out  of  the  eighteen 
provinces  of  China;  it  is  therefore  not  a local 
condition.  (2)  These  attacks  have  been  made 
on  all  classes  of  foreigners.  Foreigners  were  to 
be  killed  or  driven  out.  (3)  The  Missionaries 
suffer  most,  because,  according  to  treaty,  mission- 
aries only  have  the  right  to  reside  in  the  interior. 
(4)  Of  attacks  on  missionaries,  two-thirds,  or 
more,  are  directed  against  Roman  Catholics. 

The  Treaty  of  Tien  Tsin  (article  VIII.)  says: 
“ Persons  teaching  or  professing  it  (the  Christian 


THE  GATHERING  OF  THE  STORM.  105 


religion),  therefore,  shall  alike  be  entitled  to  the 
protection  of  the  Chinese  authorities ; nor  shall 
any  such  peaceably  pursuing  their  calling,  and  not 
offending  against  the  law,  be  persecuted  or  inter- 
fered with.”  Does  it  need  more  proof  than  has 
been  adduced  to  show  that  this  treaty  protection 
is  often  without  force?  I know  of  no  case  of 
assault  or  pillage  or  murder  where  the  Chinese 
authorities  have  lodged  the  claim  that  the  for- 
eigner thus  maltreated  had  broken  over  his  lawful 
rights.  They  confess  negligence  and  attempt  to 
make  reparation,  but  that  does  not  restore  life. 
No  missionary  in  China  deserts  his  work  for  fear 
of  outbreaks.  Merchants  do  not  look  with  favor 
on  risks  which  are  quadrupled  and  trade  which 
is  constantly  disturbed.  But  the  question  which, 
we  believe,  deserves  attention  is  this : What  is  to 
happen  if  civil  order  continues  to  become  more 
chaste,  and  the  incompetence  of  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment is  still  more  disgracefully  shown  ? There 
are  over  one  thousand  missionaries  in  China. 
The  American  vested  and  business  interests  there 
are  also  great.  Should  there  not  be  a clear  na- 
tional policy  as  to  what  America  will,  or  will  not 
do  to  meet  the  catastrophe  into  which  China  is 
fast  drifting?  This  is  a question  not  of  partition, 
but  of  civil  and  treaty  rights.  As  long  as  China 


io6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


is  treated  as  a “ going  concern,”  the  line  of  opera- 
tions is  easily  seen;  but  what  is  to  happen  when 
the  government  is  recognized  as  a gone  concern? 
That  day  seems  to  be  approaching. 

Robert  E.  Lewis. 

Shanghai,  China. 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  commotion  in 
eastern  Asia,  which  is  in  various  ways  agitating 
the  whole  world,  it  is  essential  to  bear  in  mind 
that  it  is  the  product  of  two  predominant  fac- 
tors, to  which  all  collateral  agencies  are  subor- 
dinate and  accidental.  It  is  no  new  problem 
which  has  been  suddenly  sprung  upon  the 
world,  but  only  the  denouement  of  one  which  has 
been  anticipated  for  fifty  years  and  more.  Nor 
is  there  any  lack  of  prophetic  record  buried  in 
government  archives,  in  old  periodicals  and  in 
shelved  books.  If  there  has  been  a slackening 
of  categorical  forecasts  in  the  last  few  decades, 
it  is  simply  because  the  voice  grows  weary  of 
crying  in  the  wilderness. 

The  two  generative  factors  in  the  Far  East- 
ern development  to  which  we  refer  are,  of 
course,  Russia  and  China,  which  possess  be- 
tween them,  in  an  altogether  peculiar  degree,  the 
procreative  properties  which  evolve  great 


no 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


events.  Each  is,  in  many  essential  respects,  the 
complement  of  the  other.  In  bulk  they  are  ap- 
proximately well  matched;  in  territorial  con- 
tiguity they  are  joined  by  3,000  miles  of  com- 
mon frontier.  These  primary  physical  condi- 
tions admit  of  the  freest  interaction  of  their  cor- 
relative forces.  Russia  possesses  the  vigor  of 
youth,  and  is  constantly  and  preternaturally  ag- 
gressive. China  is  decadent,  paralyzed  and 
fatalistically  passive.  These  are  ominous  con- 
trasts, but  they  by  no  means  exhaust  the  cata- 
logue. China  is  a rich  possession.  Russia  is 
comparatively  poor;  her  civilization  is  primitive; 
she  has  not  reached  her  full  stature,  and  she  is 
confident  in  her  own  power  to  dominate  and  ap- 
propriate the  resources  of  her  gigantic  but  inor- 
ganic neighbor.  Given  the  juxtaposition  of  two 
such  human  agglomerations,  might  it  not  be 
said  that  Nature  herself  was  working  for  their 
fusion?  The  temptation  to  intermingle  is,  in 
fact,  irresistible.  As  the  barbarians  looked  down 
on  degenerate  Rome,  so  do  the  modern  Goths 
regard  with  wistful  eye  and  watering  mouth  the 
defenseless  sheepfolds  of  the  Chinese.  China 
lies  like  a vast  terrestrial  depression  with  a body 
of  water  pent  up  alongside  of  it ; and  therein  lies 
the  essence  of  the  Far  Eastern  question. 

No  doubt  the  active  stage  of  this  chronic 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


iii 


question  which  has  recently  startled  the  world 
was  hurried  on  by  the  aggressive  proceedings 
of  third  parties.  Japan  it  was  who  first  disturbed 
the  equilibrium,  and  brought  on  an  acute  phase 
of  the  malady.  The  subsequent  action  of  Ger- 
many, renewing  the  disturbance  before  it  had 
had  time  to  subside,  created  a fresh  eruption. 
Both  these  inroads,  lawless  and  unprovoked  as 
they  must  be  considered,  were  made  because  of 
the  helplessness  of  China,  and  whatever  plea  of 
political  justification  may  be  claimed  for  either 
of  them  hangs  upon  the  hypothesis  that  they 
were  only  anticipations  of  the  aggressive  action 
of  Russia.  It  was  the  calculated  movements  of 
that  power  and  the  known  impotence  of  China 
that  determined,  and  will  continue  to  influence, 
the  proceedings  of  the  other  Powers. 

Before  either  Germany  or  Japan  had  been 
called  into  being  as  world  Powers,  the  Far  East- 
ern problem  which  occupied  studious  observers 
was  substantially  the  same  as  it  is  to-day.  The 
forecasts  of  two  serious  students  of  contempo- 
rary history  published  between  forty  and  fifty 
years  ago  have  recently  been  cited  in  the  Eng- 
lish press.  The  authors  happened  to  be  both 
British  Consuls  in  China,  Sir  Rutherford  Al- 
cock  and  Mr.  Taylor  Meadows,  men  who  were 
too  far  in  advance  of  their  own  generation  to 


1 12 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


attract  the  notice  they  deserved.  The  two  men 
had  little  in  common,  and  they  arrived  at  their 
one  conclusion  independently  and  by  somewhat 
different  roads. 

Their  prognosis  was  singularly  confirmed  by 
another  equally  good  authority,  also  in  advance 
of  his  time.  This  was  the  late  Edward  Cunning- 
ham,* head  of  the  leading  American  firm  in 
China,  a gentleman  distinguished  for  the  catho- 
licity of  his  views,  no  less  in  the  conduct  of  or- 
dinary business  than  in  matters  of  interest  to  the 
community  of  which  he  formed  a part.  It  is  de- 
serving of  mention  that  it  was  Mr.  Cunningham, 
in  his  capacity  of  chairman  of  the  Shanghai 
Chamber  of  Commerce,  who  organized  and 
raised  the  funds  for  those  journeys  of  scientific 
exploration  undertaken  by  Baron  F.  von  Rich- 
thofen in  1870,  which  have  shed  so  much  light 
on  the  material  condition  of  the  Chinese  Em- 
pire. For  these  explorations  have  supplied  the 
data  for  all  geological,  mineralogical  and  stra- 
tegic speculations  about  China  on  which  the  dis- 
cussions of  the  present  day  are  founded.  It 
must  be  conceded  that  the  man  who  so  clearly 
grasped  the  prospective  value  of  such  discoveries 


* Mr.  Cunningham  met  his  death,  at  the  hands  of  an 
Italian  poacher,  within  his  own  grounds,  near  Milton, 
Mass.,  in  1889. 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  n ten 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


113 

as  to  be  willing  to  pay  for  them  “ cash  in  ad- 
vance” was  no  mean  authority  on  the  political 
evolution  of  the  section  of  the  world  with  which 
he  was  personally  acquainted.  What  Mr.  Cun- 
ningham thought  of  the  relations  between  Rus- 
sia and  China  in  1869  was  lucidly  set  forth  in  a 
memorial  which  he  presented  to  the  United 
States  representative,  on  the  subject  of  a revision 
of  the  Chinese  treaty  which  was  then  under  con- 
sideration. 

“ As  for  a policy  of  ‘ generosity  ’ as  affecting  the  destinies 
of  the  Empire  in  the  interests  of  the  people,  one  smiles 
either  with  contempt  at  the  credulity,  or  admiration  at  the 
audacity,  of  such  an  exponent  of  their  principles.  These 
views  of  the  progressive  tendency  of  the  Chinese  rulers  of 
to-day  are,  of  course,  asserted  in  the  interest  of  these  rulers, 
as,  if  foreign  nations  could  be  brought  to  believe  them,  they 
would  leave  the  Chinese  to  develop  in  their  own  way.  There 
being  in  truth  no  will,  there  would  be  no  way ; but  still,  as 
regards  the  rulers  alone,  they  would  be  relieved  from  pres- 
sure and  so  gain  their  immediate  object. 

“ Whether  they  would  gain  ultimately  depends  upon  the 
disposition  of  Russia.  If  China  stood  isolated  in  the  world, 
the  forbearance  of  all  might  be  an  advantage.  Shouldered 
as  she  is  by  so  powerful  and  aggressive  a neighbor,  it  may 
be  that  the  only  effective  protection  for  the  present  dynasty 
is  in  the  intimacy  with  the  other  Western  Powers. 

“ If  it  can  be  made  to  appear  that  the  Russians  have  the 
will  and  the  power  to  occupy  China,  it  will  be  granted  that 
there  is  at  least  a strong  likelihood  of  that  great  event  com- 
ing to  pass.  As  to  the  will  there  is  no  proof,  of  course. 
One  can  judge  by  analogy.  They  have  extended  themselves 


114 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


in  Asia  wherever  they  have  had  an  opportunity,  and  they 
have  recently  conquered  and  annexed  the  Kingdom  of  Bok- 
hara at  great  cost,  completing  the  extension  of  their  do- 
minions in  that  quarter  to  the  borders  of  British  India,  a 
boundary  which  they  must  accept  as  final  in  that  direction. 
The  difficulties  in  that  enterprise  were  greater,  and  the 
advantages  not  to  be  mentioned,  as  compared  to  those  to  be 
incurred  or  gained  in  the  acquisition  of  China.  In  the  ac- 
tual direction  of  this  Empire  they  have  taken  and  occupied 
with  forts  within  a few  years  the  great  tract  of  country  lying 
between  the  Amur  and  the  present  frontier,  without  any 
advantage  in  the  region  itself  to  attract  them,  and  appar- 
ently only  for  the  object  of  reaching  nearer  to  China 
proper.  They  obtained  a valuable  port  upon  the  coast,  but 
that  they  could  have  had  without  the  costly  annexation  of 
so  great  a territory. 

“ They  have  more  young  men  learning  the  Chinese 
language,  in  one  way  or  another,  than  all  the  other  West- 
erns together,  and  they  push  their  traders  into  the  country 
with  a pertinacity  quite  uncalled  for  by  the  exigencies  of 
their  trade. 

“ Finally,  there  lies  before  them  a prize  unparalleled  in  the 
history  of  the  world.  A nation  of,  at  least,  200,000,000  of  in- 
dustrious, energetic  and  ingenious  people,  ripe  for  conquest, 
and  capable,  when  conquered,  of  giving  inexhaustible  sup- 
plies of  excellent  soldiers  and  sailors ; a nation  poor,  indeed, 
in  resources  at  present,  but  capable  of  a miraculous  resurrec- 
tion under  an  energetic  rule.  A country  full  of  natural 
wealth,  with  an  immense  area  of  fertile  soil  already  under 
cultivation;  with  a system  of  navigable  rivers  unsurpassed 
in  the  world ; a coast  abounding  in  fine  harbors,  and  com- 
manding this  side  of  the  Pacific ; a dominion  reaching  to  the 
tropics,  and  including  in  its  wide  embrace  every  climate  and 
almost  every  valuable  production  of  the  earth. 

“ It  is  impossible  that,  with  their  antecedents,  their  set- 
tled policy  for  centuries,  the  Russians  should  fail  in  desire 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


IIS 

for  such  a prize  as  this.  As  for  the  power,  unless  succored 
by  other  Western  nations,  the  country  would  lie  defenseless 
before  the  assault  of  50,000  men  led  by  a general  skilled  in 
modern  war.  Such  succor,  if  it  came  at  all,  would  probably 
come  too  late.  By  occupying  the  western  and  northwestern 
provinces  under  one  pretext  or  another,  and  with  the  dec- 
laration that  it  was  provisional  and  temporary,  they  could 
finally  reach  the  coast  and  have  possession  of  the  main 
strategical  points,  with  200,000  or  300,000  Chinese  soldiers 
under  arms  and  in  effective  condition  before  any  European 
Power  would  have  concluded  to  intervene.  Their  conclu- 
sions then  would  be  uninteresting. 

“ In  view  of  this  greatest  of  hazards,  it  would  seem  to  be 
the  natural  policy  of  the  government  to  cultivate  as  close 
relations  with  other  Western  people  as  possible ; to  intro- 
duce them  into  the  country ; to  accept  their  inventions  and 
improvements;  to  obtain  foreign  arms  and  equipments;  to 
train  an  army  to  the  European  standard  of  efficiency  and 
under  European  officers.  These  are  the  steps  which  would 
be  pressed  on  the  Chinese  authorities  by  their  well-wishers, 
and  sedulously  followed  up,  if  they  wish  them  to  maintain 
even  their  present  position. 

“ It  may  be,  however,  that  with  great  interests  of  human- 
ity, foreign  representatives  may  not  have  the  prosperity  of 
the  present  dynasty  and  government  really  at  heart.  Of 
this  I do  not  pretend  to  judge.  They  may  feel  that  nothing 
will  elevate  the  Chinese  people  and  place  the  country  fairly 
in  the  path  of  progress  and  reform  but  the  government  of  a 
Western  power.  It  does,  indeed,  seem  impossible  that  any 
real  good  can  come  from  the  selfish  and  apathetic  race  of 
rulers  that  now  misgovern  the  country,  and  in  the  interests 
of  the  millions  who  suffer  from  their  incapacity  or  perver- 
sity, foreign  powers  are  perhaps  bound  to  withhold  advice 
or  suggestion  that  may  delay  the  hour  of  deliverance.  If 
such  is  the  case,  no  course  seems  so  wise  as  to  leave  them  as 
much  as  possible  to  such  seclusion  as  they  can  keep,  and  to 


ii6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


their  present  narrow  policy.  With  no  Western  influence 
but  Russia  in  the  interior,  and  no  advisers  but  their  anti- 
quated maxims,  they  will  drop  the  easier  prey  into  the  lap 
of  their  vigorous  neighbors — a friend  or  enemy,  as  he  chose 
to  take  the  part,  and  as  circumstances  recommend. 

“ Whether  Russia  will  do  good  or  evil  to  the  world  at 
large  when  she  has  an  army  of  2,000,000  on  the  Pacific,  and 
a revenue  to  match,  is  a further  point  for  consideration,  but 
much  beyond  my  province  to  discuss.  I only  express  my 
conviction  that  such  a course  of  things  is  not  only  possible 
but  likely,  if  the  Chinese  inclination  to  resist  progress  and 
to  hold  Western  nations  at  arms’  length  is  allowed  to  con- 
trol events.” 


And  now  within  thirty  years  we  see  the  almost 
literal  fulfilment  of  this  prediction. 

A short  reference  to  the  occasion  of  Mr.  Cun- 
ningham’s memorial  will  help  to  elucidate  the 
whole  Chinese  question  as  it  stood  then  and  as 
it  stands  now.  The  Treaties  of  Tien  Tsin,  con- 
cluded in  1858,  contained  a proviso  that  their 
terms  might  be  revised  in  the  Tariff  and  Com- 
mercial Articles,  at  the  instance  of  either  party, 
at  the  end  of  ten  years.  The  British  Treaty,  be- 
ing the  first  in  importance,  was  in  process  of  re- 
vision, for  which  great  preparations  were  made 
during  1867  and  1868.  These  preparations  took, 
partly,  the  form  of  memorials  from  the  various 
mercantile  bodies  dotted  along  the  coast  and 
rivers  of  China.  But  the  terms  of  the  Chinese 
Treaties  with  all  the  Western  Powers  were  such 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


ii  7 


as  to  render  it  virtually  impossible  to  revise  one 
without  revising  all,  because  of  the  “ most  fa- 
vored nation”  clause,  which  entitled  each  Power 
to  claim  whatever  might  be  granted  to  any 
other.  The  obvious  effect  of  this  proviso  was  to 
vest  the  power  of  veto  in  the  smallest  state  that 
had  made  a treaty  with  China.  Consequently, 
the  British  negotiation  necessarily  assumed  a 
cosmopolitan  character,  the  representatives  of 
other  Powers  being  kept  informed,  point  by 
point,  as  progress  was  made,  as  well  as  being  fre- 
quently consulted  in  advance.  Hence,  there 
was  nothing  out  of  the  way  in  an  individual 
American  merchant’s  communicating  his  views 
to  his  own  Minister  for  the  use  of  the  British 
Negotiator,  and  it  came  about  quite  naturally 
that  Mr.  Cunningham’s  Memorial  formed  part 
of  the  voluminous  record  of  the  negotiations 
archived  in  the  State  Department  and  in  the  For- 
eign Office. 

The  revision  of  the  treaties  at  that  time 
hinged  upon  one  fundamental  question,  which 
had  been  seriously  pondered  by  the  British  Gov- 
ernment, with  the  result  that  a mature  decision 
had  been  arrived  at  respecting  it.  The  true 
bearing  of  that  question  is  more  clearly  percep- 
tible now  than  it  was  thirty  years  ago — for  it  has 
not  really  altered,  but  remains  essentially  the 


ii8 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


same  question.  It  was  simply  whether  pressure 
should  be  applied  to  the  Chinese  Government, 
either  to  secure  fulfilment  of  existing  treaties  or 
to  induce  reasonable  concessions  in  the  revision 
of  them.  Up  to  that  time  nothing  had  ever  been 
obtained  from  China  without  pressure,  and  the 
general  consensus  of  opinion  was  that  nothing 
ever  would  be  obtained  without  it,  not  even  re- 
dress for  outrages  and  injuries.  Pressure  had 
always  succeeded;  persuasion  never.  Lord  Elgin 
had  left  it  on  record  that  the  Chinese  yield  noth- 
ing to  reason,  everything  to  fear;  and  the  drama 
which  has  been  played  in  Peking  during  the  year 
1898  has  afforded  daily  accumulating  proof  of 
the  truth  of  that  famous  dictum. 

It  was  morally  certain,  therefore,  that  no  re- 
vision of  treaty — except  in  a retrograde  sense — 
would  be  effected  by  mere  argument.  It  was 
with  this  knowledge  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment entered  on  the  revision  campaign.  The 
Chinese,  on  their  part,  also  fully  realized  the 
conditions  under  which  they  entered  on  diplo- 
matic negotiations  which  they  could  not  openly 
decline,  and,  a very  unusual  thing  for  them,  they 
made  preparations  for  it,  whether  on  their  own 
initiative  or  on  the  prompting  of  their  foreign 
advisers  may  remain  an  open  question,  though 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS.  119 

the  form  and  manner  of  the  defensive  prepara- 
tion might  be  safely  assigned  to  a foreign  origin. 
But,  however  that  may  be,  at  an  early  stage  of 
the  revision  proceedings  the  Chinese  Govern- 
ment resolved  to  send  an  envoy  to  Europe  and 
the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  persuading 
the  treaty  Powers  that  the  case  was  precisely  the 
reverse  of  that  stated  by  Lord  Elgin.  The  en- 
voy was,  in  fact,  to  inform  the  governments  of 
the  West  that  the  Chinese  would  yield  nothing 
to  fear,  but  everything  to  reason ! The  agent 
appointed,  or,  rather,  the  spokesman  of  the  two 
Chinese  envoys  who  formed  the  mission,  was 
the  Hon.  Anson  Burlingame,  at  that  time  Minis- 
ter of  the  United  States  to  China.  He  sailed 
from  China  to  San  Francisco  in  1868,  and  thence 
proceeded  to  Washington.  He  was  completely 
successful,  and  induced  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment to  make  a kind  of  convention  with  him 
which  practically  consisted  of  two  provisions; 
one,  that  the  United  States  would  under  no  cir- 
cumstances apply  pressure  to  China;  the  other, 
that  China  would  employ  Americans  to  build 
their  railways.  Mr.  Burlingame  proceeded  next 
to  London,  and  converted  Lord  Clarendon  to 
the  same  passive  policy  toward  China,  obtaining 
from  him  a similar  self-denying  declaration  to 


120 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


that  which  had  been  given  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  in  Washington. 

The  effect  of  these  gratuitous  declarations  on 
the  negotiations  in  Peking  was  marked  and  in- 
stantaneous. The  hope  of  any  liberal  extension 
of  the  treaties  was  extinguished.  The  British 
Minister  told  his  government  so  in  plainer  terms 
than  are  altogether  usual  between  servant  and 
master.  “ If  it  was  difficult,”  wrote  Sir  Ruther- 
ford Alcock.  “ to  negotiate  for  large  concessions 
before  the  assurance  authoritatively  given  by 
your  lordship’s  communication  to  Mr.  Burling- 
ame, ...  it  is  now  out  of  the  question  to 
hope  for  more  than  has  already  been  conceded. 
. . . Strong  in  the  assurance  of  two  of  the 
great  treaty  Powers,  ...  it  is  quite  certain 
that  no  further  progress  can  be  made  at  pres- 
ent.” In  other  words,  “ you  have  stultified  your 
agent,  frustrated  his  efforts,  and  given  away  the 
interests  of  the  country.”  The  position  was  at 
last  recognized  by  Lord  Clarendon  himself,  who, 
in  the  autumn  of  1869,  wished  to  abandon  the 
negotiations  over  which  two  years’  labor  had 
been  expended,  in  the  hope  that,  when  the  time 
came  for  other  Powers  to  revise  their  treaties, 
Great  Britain  might  retain  an  “ open  door”  to 
profit  by  their  negotiations. 

The  point  of  all  this  is  that  it  is  the  policy  die- 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


121 


tated  by  Burlingame*  and  accepted  blindly  by 
the  cabinets  of  Washington  and  of  London, 
which  has  been  followed  by  the  two  countries 
for  the  last  thirty  years.  And  it  is  this  particular 
policy  which  has  brought  China  to  the  verge  of 
anarchy  and  disruption.  For  it  was  a public  re- 
nunciation of  influence  over  the  government. 
On  the  most  favorable  view  that  could  be  taken 
of  it,  it  was  a negative,  sterile  policy,  devoid  of 
authority,  a law  without  a sanction.  It  was 
ruinous  to  China,  because  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Powers  who  had  an  interest  in  the  preservation 
of  that  country  left  her  open  to  the  designs  of 
those  Powers  whose  interests,  or  at  least  desires, 
lay  in  a contrary  direction.  While  England  has 
been  fettered  by  her  self-imposed  total  ab- 
stinence dogma,  the  destroyers  of  China  have 
been  free  to  revel  in  the  prosecution  of  their 
schemes.  Which  is  the  actual  position  to-day. 

The  recovery  of  British  influence  is  no  child’s 
play,  for  it  means  a reversal  of  the  policy  of  a 
whole  generation  of  statesmen.  It  is  like  gather- 
ing up  water  that  has  been  spilt  on  the  ground. 
This  gives  us,  perhaps,  the  best  key  to  the  atti- 
tude of  Her  Majesty’s  government  during  the 

* It  was  Mr.  Burlingame’s  plea  for  a policy  of  “ gen- 
erosity ” that  Mr.  Cunningham  alluded  to  in  the  opening 
sentence  of  the  extract  from  his  Memorial  above  cited. 


122 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


present  year.  It  was  in  the  position  of  a steamer 
in  a fog,  called  on  suddenly  to  reverse  the  en- 
gines, and  running  on  to  one  obstacle  while  hur- 
riedly avoiding  another.  Lord  Salisbury  him- 
self pleaded  this  excuse  at  the  Union  Club,  that 
his  government  had  been  taken  aback  by  the 
rapid  progress  of  events,  and  that  it  was  no  easy 
task  for  them  at  a moment’s  notice  to  discard 
the  policy  of  Cobden,  which  had  been  the  law  of 
the  land  for  half  a century.  There  was  some- 
thing pathetic  in  the  naive  confession  that  the 
dead  hand  of  Cobden  was  still  paralyzing  the 
government  of  Great  Britain,  condemning  it  to 
conduct  the  business  of  the  country  on  pious 
theories,  which  forbade  it  from  taking  any  ac- 
count of  accomplished  facts,  and  from  adapting 
its  course  of  action  to  the  new  developments  of 
the  world’s  life. 

Of  course,  a wider  sense  is  here  given  to  the 
convenient  term  “ Cobdenism,”  than  the  mere 
abolition  of  custom  houses.  The  Cobdenism 
with  which  Lord  Salisbury,  Mr.  Balfour  and 
their  supporters  are  so  deeply  infected  extends 
over  the  whole  field  of  national  economics,  and 
it  has  a serious  meaning  for  all  democratic  coun- 
tries. The  events  which  are  transpiring  in  dis- 
tant parts  of  the  world  are  putting  popular  gov- 
ernment on  its  trial.  England  is  in  fact  feeling 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


123 


the  strain  of  a new  conflict,  which  will  shortly  be 
felt  in  a less,  though  constantly  increasing,  de- 
gree in  the  United  States  also.  So  long  as  the 
interests  of  a nation  are  kept  within  a ring-fence, 
no  device  of  man  could  be  more  conducive  to 
the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  a community 
than  government  by  the  people.  “What  favor 
can  we  show  you?”  said  Sir  Robert  Peel  to  the 
merchants  of  London.  “ Let  us  alone,”  was  the 
city’s  manly  response.  The  legislation  of  Eng- 
land during  the  present  century  has  been  a con- 
tinuous demolition  of  the  barriers  which  checked 
the  free  action  of  the  people;  and  it  is  not  to  be 
doubted  that,  under  the  perfect  liberty  thus  ac- 
corded to  them,  the  national  prosperity  has 
made  remarkable  strides.  Industrial  and  com- 
mercial progress  in  the  United  States  has,  of 
course,  from  the  nature  of  the  case,  been  vastly 
more  rapid,  and  that  in  spite  of  sundry  self-im- 
posed restraints  on  trade  from  which  the  British 
people  are  free.  The  system  that  conduces  so 
greatly  to  individual  enterprise  and  wealth  is  no 
less  conducive  to  the  collective  good  of  society 
at  large.  Cobdenism,  if  we  may  continue  to  use 
this  convenient  term,  besides  being  faultless  in 
theory,  is  also  triumphant  in  practice,  so  long  as 
no  disturbing  element  intervenes. 

Where  the  scheme  fails  is  in  the  fact  that,  on 


124 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  great  chess-board  of  the  world’s  trade  and 
politics,  disturbing  elements  do  and  must  inter- 
vene, in  this  case  turning  a domestic  success  into 
a foreign  failure.  Cosmic  evolution  itself  has 
brought  about  conditions  wholly  unforeseen  by 
Cobden,  and  still  unrecognized  by  his  disciples. 
Industrial  and  commercial  competition  have 
entered  on  a new  phase.  The  isolated  efforts 
of  innumerable  individuals  are  now  opposed  by 
compact  forces  marshalled  by  powerful  govern- 
ments. In  their  struggles  with  such  combina- 
tions, traders  and  manufacturers  who  go  a-war- 
fare  on  their  own  charges  must  expect  to  be 
worsted.  Adventurers,  who  enter  the  field  with 
the  whole  machinery  and  resources  of  their 
national  governments  not  only  at  their  back,  but 
in  the  van  of  their  enterprises,  possess  advan- 
tages such  as  an  organized  army  would  possess 
against  a host  of  volunteers.  The  full  disclosure 
of  the  new  species  of  international  competition 
has  been  reserved  for  this  present  year,  and  the 
theatre  of  the  discovery  has  been  that  great  un- 
exploited field  of  commerce,  China.  There  we 
have  seen,  in  a variety  of  aspects,  the  victory  of 
action  over  inaction,  and  we  have  seen  the  supe- 
riority, in  certain  spheres  of  competition,  of 
governments  which  lead  their  people,  over 
people  who  lead  their  governments.  While  the 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


125 


rulers  of  Russia,  Germany,  France  and  even  Bel- 
gium have  been  heading  national  crusades  of 
productive  enterprise  in  China,  the  governments 
of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  have  held 
aloof,  and  allowed  rights  and  claims  to  be  estab- 
lished to  their  perpetual  exclusion  and  detri- 
ment. The  British  Government  has  had  nothing 
to  oppose  to  these  aggressive  movements  but 
Cobdenic  maxims  treated  as  if  they  were  axioms 
of  geometry,  such  as  the  “ open  door,”  “ equal- 
ity of  opportunity,”  and  so  forth,  which  were 
never  more  than  empty  phrases,  the  survival  of 
a state  of  things  that  had  passed  away.  Minis- 
ters have  again  and  again  defended  their  inac- 
tion by  pleading  the  novelty  of  the  situation  and 
the  absence  of  precedents.  The  principle  of 
non-interference  with  industry  and  commerce, 
and  of  leaving  everything  to  individual  initiative, 
no  doubt  fits  like  a glove  the  theory  of  popular 
government;  and  the  principle  of  laissez  aller,  in 
relation  to  other  nations,  is  one  which  lends  it- 
self easily  to  academic  defense,  while  offering  no 
offense  to  abstract  morality.  The  only  objection 
to  these  principles  is  that  they  do  not  harmonize 
with  the  facts  of  national  life. 

In  this  mercantile  world  in  which  we  live 
everything  has  to  be  paid  for,  and  government 
by  the  people  for  the  people  forms  no  exception 


126 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


to  the  rule.  Priceless  as  are  its  benefits,  a price 
has  still  to  be  paid  for  them,  and  part  of  the 
price  is  incoherence,  slowness  of  collective  ac- 
tion, vacillation  and  ignorance  in  dealing  with 
international  affairs.  The  most  prosperous 
countries  are,  naturally,  those  in  which  the  citi- 
zens have  no  leisure  for  public  questions  which 
lie  remote  from  their  daily  life,  and  who  are  only 
too  content  to  resign  their  international  interests 
to  the  governments  of  their  choice.  Hence,  a 
breach  of  continuity  in  the  management  of  af- 
fairs, the  government  waiting  for  the  people  and 
the  people  for  the  government.  Thus  vital 
national  interests  fall  between  two  stools.  This 
lapse  of  responsibility  is  easily  traced  in  Great 
Britain,  where  the  initiative,  in  former  times  ex- 
ercised by  government,  has  been  step  by  step 
surrendered,  as  the  tide  of  pure  democracy  has 
risen,  so  that  now,  when  an  emergency  arises, 
there  is  no  one  ready  or  competent  to  deal  with 
it.  The  state  then  is  in  the  condition  of  an  emi- 
grant ship  in  a hurricane,  left  to  the  helpless  de- 
vices of  the  passengers.  The  United  States  is  in 
a somewhat  similar  predicament,  with  this  dif- 
ference, that,  their  interests  being  mostly  at 
home,  they  have  not  as  yet  suffered  visible  injury 
for  the  neglect  of  their  concerns  abroad. 

Observe  now  in  what  a different  position  such 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


127 


countries  as  Russia  and  Germany  stand,  whose 
governments  hold  in  leash  the  national  forces, 
military,  diplomatic  and  political,  in  readiness  to 
strike  at  a moment’s  notice,  with  no  popular 
voice  or  even  national  impulse  to  wait  for.  Re- 
publican France,  even,  enjoys  a freedom  of  action 
scarcely  inferior  to  her  autocratic  neighbor,  for 
the  people  expect  no  consideration  in  foreign  or 
colonial  enterprises,  which  are  consequently  left 
to  the  discretion  of  the  executive  government  and 
to  the  initiative  of  official  adventurers.  When, 
therefore,  the  Far  Eastern  question  was  opened 
by  the  Japanese  war,  these  Powers  promptly 
cleared  for  action,  while  England  remained  wrapt 
like  a mummy  in  the  cerements  of  a worn-out 
■policy,  unable  to  move  hand  or  foot  to  safeguard 
her  interests — actual  or  prospective.  The  fetish 
of  non-interference  in  China  had  no  chance 
against  the  energy  of  Powers  who  were  inspired 
by  a passion  for  aggression.  Under  the  sway  of 
this  passion,  China  is  being  carved  up  like  a sir- 
loin of  beef,  as  if  there  were  no  vitality  in  her. 
The  ambition  of  Russia  soars  far  above  the  mere 
military  occupation  of  Manchuria  or  of  the  prov- 
inces of  northern  China.  She  makes  straight 
for  the  brain  centre  of  the  Empire,  paralyzing  its 
functions.  She  is  loosening  the  keystone  of  the 
arch,  in  order  to  find  her  account  in  the  debris 


128 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


of  the  structure.  The  process  of  disruption  is  in 
full  action.  In  view  of  this,  France,  Germany 
and  Japan  are  in  haste  to  secure  as  large  as  pos- 
sible a share  of  what  they  consider  to  be  a 
crumbling  building,  before  the  northern  Colos- 
sus engulfs  the  whole. 

But  none  of  these  Powers  has  caused  to  con- 
sider what  the  disruption  of  a polity  embracing 
300,000.000  of  Asiatics  really  means;  for,  even 
in  the  cynical  and  un-Christian  epoch  in  which 
we  live,  only  professed  anarchists  would  be  so 
anti-human  as  to  lend  a hand  to  accelerate  such 
a calamity.  In  their  greed  for  gain,  however,  the 
spectacle  of  a helpless  nation  and  an  effete  govern- 
ment is  too  strong  for  moral  restraint.  W e know 
something  of  what  anarchy  in  China  means,  for 
we  had  experience  of  it  some  forty  years  ago, 
when  hundreds  of  its  cities  were  converted  into 
cover  for  wild  beasts,  and  tens  of  millions  of  lives 
were  destroyed  without  cause.  The  commercial 
nations  have  the  strongest  interest  in  preventing 
the  recurrence  of  such  colossal  devastation.  Put- 
ting their  motives  on  the  very  lowest  and,  there- 
fore, the  more  lasting  grounds,  a depopulated 
country  is  of  no  use  to  the  trader.  On  the  other 
hand,  China  kept  on  her  legs  is  a living  mine  of 
wealth  to  all  those  nations  who  are  interested  in 
the  prosecution  of  honest  trade. 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


129 


The  commercial  nations,  par  excellence,  are  the 
Anglo-Teutonic,  whose  interest,  in  spite  of  an 
occasional  freak  of  hot-blooded  Kaisers,  or  the 
like,  is  not  to  break  up  old  “ China,”  but  rather, 
if  possible,  to  rivet  the  cracks  in  it.  By  the  intro- 
duction of  such  improvements  as  railways,  steam- 
boats, mining  and  manufactories,  by  the  infusion 
of  the  Western  spirit  as  a new  nervous  force  into 
the  country,  and  of  Western  principles  of  action, 
the  resources  of  China,  in  men  and  material, 
would  be  rendered  capable  of  providing  fertile 
employment  for  white  men  for  centuries  to  come. 
This  is  the  great  undeveloped  estate  which  the 
present  generation  of  Anglo-Saxons  have  to  leave 
to  their  ever-increasing  offspring,  an  inheritance 
richer  far  than  all  the  prairies  and  all  the  gold 
mines  in  the  world,  because  crowned  with  a 
wealth  of  humanity  of  the  most  efficient  quality, 
an  enormous  hive  of  industry  only  needing  di- 
rection, and  with  capacities  for  consumption 
commensurate  with  their  unrivalled  powers  of 
production.  Had  the  British  and  American  people 
been  sufficiently  alive  to  the  value  of  this  prize, 
when  China  was  thrown  into  the  crucible  in  1894, 
they  would  have  insisted  on  their  governments 
safeguarding  those  precious  interests,  and  not 
permitting  the  Chinese  Empire  to  be  sequestrated 
at  the  hands  of  the  despotic  and  military  states  of 


130 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Europe.  What  has  been  done  cannot  be  undone, 
but  the  rapid  progress  already  made  in  disintegra- 
tion furnishes  an  imperative  reason  for  conserving 
what  is  left.  The  practical  question  is,  how  is 
this  to  be  done? 

China  is  in  the  condition  of  an  invalid  whose 
life  can  only  be  saved  by  transfusion  of  healthy 
blood.  The  system  has  to  be  cautiously  and 
carefully  revived,  not  by  violence,  but  by  tact 
and  patience.  A new  order  has  to  be  evolved  out 
of  the  present  chaos,  under  which  the  prosperity 
of  the  nation  may  advance  pari  passu  with  the 
legitimate  interests  of  the  foreign  peoples  who 
seek  their  fortune  in  the  country.  The  desidera- 
tum cannot  be  more  intelligibly  indicated  than  by 
saying  that  it  is  foreign  capital  and  foreign  enter- 
prise that  are  needed  to  preserve  and  to  fertilize 
this  valuable  field  of  commerce.  China  wants  her 
communications  to  be  opened  up,  her  industries 
organized,  her  hidden  wealth  brought  to  the 
surface,  her  natural  products  utilized.  And  as, 
according  to  the  traditional  order  of  procedure 
of  the  English-speaking  races,  as  well  as  of  their 
Teutonic  and  Scandinavian  kinsmen,  the  enter- 
prise of  the  people  precedes  and  draws  after  it 
the  protection  of  their  governments,  it  follows 
that  the  infiltration  of  capital  and  skilled  direction 
into  China  is  the  proper  lever  by  which  the  govern- 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS.  131 

ments  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  may 
be  moved  to  interest  themselves  actively  in  the 
welfare  of  that  country.  Only  by  such  a policy 
can  the  predatory  Powers  be  kept  from  ravaging 
the  country  and  precipitating  anarchy  and  red 
ruin  among  the  largest  population  on  the  face  of 
the  earth.  Every  line  of  railway,  therefore,  every 
steam  factory,  every  hole  dug  in  the  ground  in 
the  interior  of  the  Chinese  continent,  under  either 
British  or  American  auspices,  is  a solid  gain  to 
the  whole  commercial  world.  It  is  “ effective 
occupation”  of  the  genuine  kind,  the  only  kind  of 
occupation  that  will  save  the  territory  from  being 
staked  off  into  exclusive  areas,  that  will  keep  the 
door  open  for  the  free  intercourse  of  all  nations. 
Consequently,  the  concession  of  a railway  between 
Canton  and  Hankow  to  an  American  syndicate 
is  an  event  of  happiest  augury,  just  as  every  step 
taken  toward  connecting  western  China  with 
British  India  contributes  to  the  establishment  of 
free  intercourse  for  all.  Such  concrete  material 
interests  lie  at  the  root  of  national  policy,  and 
constitute  the  surest  means  of  compelling  the 
attention  of  our  governments  to  the  course  of 
events  in  China.  From  whichever  side  we  regard 
them,  these  are  conservative  as  well  as  progressive 
measures;  like  mercy,  twice  blest,  benefiting  the 
people  of  China  by  opening  out  fruitful  channels 


132 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


for  their  labor,  while  at  the  same  time  affording 
productive  fields  for  the  creative  energy  of  the 
West. 

Far  Eastern  affairs  have  never  loomed  large 
before  the  people  of  the  United  States,  for  the 
simple  reason  that  their  business  connections  there 
were  by  comparison  infinitesimal  and  practically 
stagnant.  A sympathetic  interest  in  Japan  was, 
indeed,  aroused  on  the  opening  of  the  Island 
Empire  through  the  instrumentality  of  an  Ameri- 
can naval  squadron  and  a capable  diplomatist,  and 
a fair  amount  of  genuine  business  has  sprung  up 
between  the  two  countries.  But  still  the  aesthetic 
has  prevailed  over  the  commercial  relation  with 
Japan,  while  in  China  American  diplomacy  has 
been  mainly  occupied  in  damming  back  the  flood 
of  Chinese  immigrants  which  was  supposed  to  be 
threatening  the  interests  of  white  labor.  But  a 
vast  change  has  come  over  the  scene  during  the 
last  six  months,  and  never  was  it  made  clearer 
that  a nation’s  course  is  marked  out  for  it  by 
circumstances  often  unforeseen,  than  in  the  revo- 
lution which  the  events  of  this  year  have  made 
in  some  of  the  fundamental  dogmas  of  American 
policy.  May  we  not  say,  “ There’s  a divinity  that 
shapes  our  ends,  rough  hew  them  how  we  will,” 
when  we  see  the  United  States,  by  the  necessary 
sequence  of  her  own  acts,  forced  into  the  position 


THE  FAR  EASTERN  CRISIS. 


133 


of  an  oceanic  and  an  Asiatic  Power?  The  course 
marked  out  for  her  by  philosophical  students  of 
the  map  of  the  world,  to  which  she  seemed  in- 
different if  not  coldly  averse,  has  been  suddenly 
forced  on  her  by  the  inexorable  logic  of  events 
of  her  own  making.  Henceforth,  her  status  as 
mistress  of  the  Philippines  and  of  the  Sandwich 
Islands  imposes  on  her  the  necessity  of  taking 
a hand  in  the  game  that  is  to  be  played  in  the 
western  Pacific.  Fortunate  that  the  question  was 
not  delayed  until  the  gates  of  China  were  closed 
and  the  resources  of  that  Empire  parcelled  out 
among  the  anti-commercial  nations ! The  Pacific 
Ocean  acquired  a new  significance  for  the  United 
States  when  the  Spanish  war  broke  out  and  while 
the  battleship  “ Oregon”  was  rounding  Cape 
Horn.  That  was  an  object  lesson  which  came 
home  to  the  least  imaginative.  It  doomed  the  old 
ocean  thoroughfare.  It  brought  the  Isthmian 
Canal  within  the  range  of  practical  politics,  it 
gave  a new  turn  to  American  speculation,  widened 
the  national  outlook — in  a word,  it  made  the 
United  States  a world  power  in  posse.  Fortunate, 
we  say,  that  all  this  happened  before  China  had 
been  disposed  of  (for  without  China  the  Philip- 
pines have  no  meaning),  since  it  confers  on  the 
United  States  the  dignity  of  a great  mission  as 
well  as  the  opportunity  for  great  national  enlarge- 


134 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


ment.  China  is  a world  necessity,  and  civilization 
cannot  afford  that  she  should  become  a mere 
carcass  round  which  the  vultures  of  the  world 
shall  gather. 


Archibald  R.  Colquhoun. 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY  AN 
INFLUENCE  IN  THE  CHINESE 
QUESTION. 


. ^ 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY  AN 
INFLUENCE  IN  THE  CHINESE 
QUESTION. 

The  immense  and  sparsley  populated  country 
of  Siberia  was  for  a long  time  merely  an  acci- 
dental adjunct  of  the  Russian  Empire.  Its  sole 
importance  to  the  latter  lay  in  the  fact  that  it 
supplied  valuable  furs  and  precious  metals.  In 
spite  of  its  enormous  extent,  its  fertility  and  its 
various  natural  resources,  it  attracted  very  few 
Russians  who  possessed  land  in  their  own  coun- 
try. The  population  consequently  increased  but 
slowly. 

The  first  emigrants  to  Siberia  were  men  who 
were  at  variance  with  the  conditions  of  life  in 
their  native  country,  and  were  obliged  to  leave  it 
either  of  their  own  free  will,  or  otherwise.  To 
the  majority  of  Russians,  Siberia  remained  an 
inhospitable  land,  and  its  very  name  called  up  no 
other  thought  than  that  of  cold,  exile  and  dreary 
drudgery.  Time,  however,  slowly  but  surely 


138 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


effected  an  improvement  in  the  relations  between 
Siberia  and  the  mother  country.  On  the  one 
hand,  the  increasing-  population  of  Russia  in 
Europe  required  more  room,  and  this  was  to  be 
found  in  the  uninhabited  parts  of  Siberia.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  propagation  of  more  exact 
information  about  its  natural  wealth  and  great 
fertility  soon  modified  public  opinion,  and  what 
had  seemed  but  a land  of  exile  began  to  exercise 
the  allurements  of  a land  of  promise. 

At  that  time  the  community  of  interests  be- 
tween Russia  proper  and  its  colony  became  daily 
more  distinctly  felt,  and  Siberia  began  to  be  of 
more  vital  importance  to  the  former.  Side  by 
side  with  this  slow  economical  evolution,  a radical 
change  took  place,  in  the  middle  of  this  century, 
in  the  views  of  the  governing  bodies  concerning 
Russia’s  political  interests  in  Siberia.  Simul- 
taneously with  the  annexation  of  the  Amur,  Pri- 
morsk and  Usuri  territories,  and  the  opening  of 
Japan  to  foreigners,  Russia  firmly  established 
herself  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific  and  took  steps 
to  consolidate  her  power  there.  The  time  had 
now  come  when  the  government  had  to  face  the 
main  obstacles  which  prevented  closer  intercourse 
between  the  two  countries,  retarded  the  solution 
of  Russia’s  political  problems  in  Asia  and  stood 
in  the  way  of  the  normal  development  of  the 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


139 


region.  These  obstacles  were  time,  distance  and 
the  vast  extent  of  Siberia. 

The  only  way  to  overcome  these  obstacles  was 
by  the  construction  of  a railway  throughout  the 
whole  extent  of  Siberia.  This  idea  was  first 
mooted  about  1850,  but  the  Russian  Government 
for  a long  time  hesitated  to  undertake  the  execu- 
tion of  this  project,  through  apprehension  of  the 
immense  expense  it  would  entail.  However,  the 
present  Minister  of  Finance,  M.  Witte,  had  the 
requisite  faith  in  Russian  financial  resources. 
Being  appointed  Minister  of  Ways  and  Com- 
munications at  the  beginning  of  1892,  he  rapidly 
conducted  surveys  of  the  railway  line;  and  then, 
becoming  Minister  of  Finance  at  the  end  of  the 
same  year,  he  insisted  on  the  immediate  construc- 
tion of  the  great  Siberian  Railway. 

According  to  the  original  plan,  the  direction 
of  the  Siberian  Railway  was  to  be  as  follows : 

Kilos. 

From  Chelyabinsk  to  Omsk,  West  Siberian  Railway  1,415 


From  Omsk  to  Irkutsk  Central  Siberian  Railway...  1,828 

From  Irkutsk  to  Missoyaga,  Baikal  Railway 318 

From  Missoyaga  to  Stretensk,  Transbaikal  Railway.  1,076 

From  Stretensk  to  Khabarovka,  Amur  Railway 2,132 

From  Khabarovka  to  Vladivostok,  Usuri  Railway...  764 


Some  time  later,  two  very  important  changes 
were  made  in  this  original  scheme. 


140 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


In  consequence  of  the  great  technical  difficulties 
presented  by  the  Baikal  line,  and  in  order  to  accel- 
erate the  construction  of  a continuous  railway 
through  Siberia,  it  was  decided  to  make  a straight 
line  from  Irkutsk  to  Lake  Baikal.  The  train  was 
to  cross  the  lake  on  special  ice-breakers,  similar 
to  those  in  use  between  Lake  Huron  and  Lake 
Michigan  in  America.  In  consequence  of  even 
greater  difficulties  presented  by  the  Amur  line, 
permission  to  construct  and  exploit  a railway  in 
Manchuria,  connecting  the  Baikal  line  with 
Vladivostok,  was  obtained  by  the  Russo-Chinese 
Bank  from  the  Chinese  Government.  Thus  the 
estimated  length  of  the  Siberian  Railway  was 
reduced  by  about  550  kilometres.  In  March, 
1898,  the  Chinese  Government  permitted  the 
construction  of  a branch  to  Port  Arthur  and 
Ta-lien-wan,  and  in  this  way  the  Siberian  Railway 
acquired  two  outlets  to  the  Pacific,  of  which  one 
is  free  from  ice  all  the  year  round. 

Though  the  project  of  constructing  the  Amur 
Railway  was  now  left  in  abeyance,  yet  the  junc- 
tion of  Vladivostok  with  Khabarovka  was  ef- 
fected, and  thus  Russia  will  soon  have  both  an 
uninterrupted  railway  route  through  Manchuria 
and  a combined  railway  and  waterway  in  the 
direction  of  Irkutsk,  Stretensk,  Shilka,  Amur, 
Khabarovka,  Vladivostok.  The  construction  of 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY.  141 

the  railway  is  very  rapidly  advancing,  and  the 
West  Siberian,  Central  Siberian  and  Usuri  lines 
actually  are  completed  and  opened  for  traffic.  On 
the  other  portions,  work  is  being  carried  on  very 
energetically. 

Let  us  now  glance  at  this  country,  of  which  so 
little  is  known,  and  consider  the  present  and  pros- 
pective results  of  the  construction  of  the  railway. 
Siberia  occupies  5,000,000  English  square  miles 
in  the  northern  part  of  Asia.  Its  natural  features 
are  very  varied.  The  western  and  northern  parts 
of  this  enormous  country  consist  of  a level  plain : 
in  the  north,  the  lifeless  swamps  (tundra)  merge 
into  a large  tract  of  virgin  forest.  Further  south, 
this  is  succeeded  by  rich  steppes,  which  resemble 
the  pampas,  and  extend  to  the  mountains  which 
occupy  the  southern  and  eastern  part  of  Siberia. 

Tbe  polar  tundra  zone  occupies  all  the  space 
north  of  the  sixty-fourth  degree  of  latitude.  It 
is  a swampy  plain  covered  with  moss  and  bush 
and  frozen  during  the  greater  part  of  the  year. 
Its  soil  never  thaws  to  a greater  depth  than  one 
foot,  and  consists  of  alternate  layers  of  frozen 
earth  or  pure  ice.  Anything  approaching  civilized 
life  is  out  of  the  question  in  this  desolate  land. 
Its  sole  inhabitants  are  a few  nomadic  tribes,  who 
eke  out  a living  by  fishing,  hunting  and  the  breed- 
ing of  reindeer. 


142 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


The  region  between  the  fifty-seventh  and  the 
sixty-fourth  degrees  is  covered  with  thick  virgin 
forest,  consisting  of  ancient  cedars,  larches,  pines 
and  other  species  of  firs.  Further  south  we  find, 
in  addition  to  these,  birch,  poplar,  aspen  and  even 
linden  trees ; a great  quantity  of  berry-bearing  and 
other  bushes  increase  the  variety  of  plants,  and 
hops  and  other  climbers  winding  round  the  trees 
remind  one  of  the  virgin  forests  of  America.  In 
this  vast  region,  with  its  boundless  forest  wealth, 
habitable  spots  are  chiefly  found  on  the  banks  of 
the  different  rivers. 

To  the  south  of  this  forest  tract,  we  find  a culti- 
vated belt  of  land,  very  spacious  in  the  west  and 
much  resembling  a steppe.  It  extends  as  far  as 
the  mountains  which  stretch  along  the  south  of 
Siberia.  The  steppes  of  Western  Siberia  have 
the  appearance  of  plains,  covered  with  luxurious 
vegetation  and  birch  groves.  The  soil  is  rich  and 
fertile,  and  tends  to  promote  the  development  of 
agriculture  and  settled  life.  In  these  steppes, 
there  are  large  water  basins  like  Lake  Chany, 
surrounded  by  smaller  lakes. 

The  Siberian  mountains  extend  along  the 
southern  border  of  Siberia  and  then  occupy  its 
whole  eastern  part.  They  are  remarkable  for 
their  beautiful  views.  Many  picturesque  spots  in 
the  Altai  Mountains  and  Semiretchensk  might 


PANORAMA  OF  VLADIVOSTOK 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


143 


be  compared  with  those  of  Switzerland,  and  the 
Irtish  flowing  through  the  mountains  resembles 
the  Rhine. 

Siberia  extends  from  the  Arctic  Circle  right 
away  to  the  steppes  of  Central  Asia,  and  therefore 
presents  many  varieties  of  climate.  There  are  the 
perpetual  frost  of  the  lifeless  tundra  deserts,  the 
tropical  heat  of  Central  Asia,  the  genial  climate 
of  the  favored  spots  at  the  foot  of  the  Altai 
Mountains,  the  balmy  air  in  the  oases  of  the  Chui 
Valley  and  Lake  Issik-Kul  and  the  striking  south- 
ern vegetation  of  the  banks  of  Amur.  Owing 
to  those  climatic  variations,  we  meet  with  the 
most  startling  changes  in  natural  features,  and  an 
amazing  variety  of  flora  and  fauna. 

Siberia  possesses  four  great  river  basins,  which 
are  equal  to  those  of  the  largest  American  rivers. 
Three  of  them — Obi,  Yenisei  and  Lena,  with  their 
numerous  tributaries — greatly  facilitate  the  trade 
of  the  interior,  and  the  fourth  river,  the  Amur, 
facilitates  intercourse  between  Central  Siberia 
and  the  Pacific. 

The  population  of  Siberia  consists  of  very  vari- 
ous elements.  After  the  bloody  and  rapid  conquest 
of  Siberia,  it  became  for  some  time  an  El  Dorado 
for  hunters  and  gold  diggers.  Like  the  Spaniards 
in  America,  these  were  attracted  by  the  thirst  for 
gain,  and  they  treated  the  natives  with  the  most 


144 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


barbarous  cruelty  and  plundered  in  the  most  irra- 
tional manner  the  natural  treasures  of  the  country. 
Some  time  later  these  rough  and  ready  pioneers 
were  succeeded  by  exiles.  These  were  but  few 
in  number  at  first,  but  latterly  there  were  as  many 
as  18,000  to  20.000  yearly.  The  introduction  of 
this  element  was  of  sinister  import  for  Siberia. 
It  was  forced  to  accept  criminals,  who  had  been 
driven  forth  from  their  own  country  and  who, 
hardened  in  their  wickedness,  could  not  but  have 
a contaminating  influence  on  the  people  they  came 
among.  Fortunately  for  Siberia,  at  the  same  time 
with  this  artificial  colonization,  a natural  coloniza- 
tion was  advancing,  for  men  who  had  been  un- 
fortunate in  their  native  land  were  attracted  by 
the  free  life  of  Siberia  and  made  their  way  thither 
in  small  but  steady  numbers.  From  these  men, 
who  had  proved  themselves  enterprising  and  of 
great  physical  and  mental  vigor,  the  present  popu- 
lation of  Siberia  has  been  evolved.  It  embodies 
all  the  best  characteristics  of  the  daring  adven- 
turers and  conquistadores  who  first  subdued  it; 
of  the  exiles  and  emigrants,  who  went  there  in 
such  numbers,  and  of  the  Cossacks  and  peasantry, 
whom  the  government  induced  to  settle  there  by 
the  offer  of  large  subsidies,  hoping  thereby  to 
promote  the  development  of  agriculture.  The 
unaided  struggle  with  stern  Nature  called  all  their 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


145 


hardier  qualities  into  play.  The  result  is  a vigor- 
ous, enterprising  type,  not  unlike  that  which  we 
meet  with  in  the  United  States,  Canada  and 
Australia. 

The  Russian  population  of  Siberia  moved 
farther  and  farther  eastward  from  the  Ural 
Mountains  through  the  southern  part  of  Siberia ; 
at  present  it  occupies  a broad,  unbroken  belt  of 
land,  which  narrows  down  toward  Lake  Baikal. 
Small  branches  are  found  on  the  banks  of  the 
chief  rivers,  the  Obi,  the  Yenisei,  the  Lena  and 
the  Usuri,  and  extend  from  the  basin  of  the  last 
to  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Peter  the  Great. 
Besides  this,  little  Russian  communities  are  scat- 
tered about  in  different  places. 

The  indigenous  Mongol,  Finnish  and  Tartar 
tribes  of  Siberia,  which  occupy  immense  tracts, 
are  much  smaller  in  number  than  the  Russian 
population,  whom  they  surround  on  all  sides. 
Immediately  beyond  the  Ural  and  north  of  the 
region  entirely  occupied  by  Russians,  there  lives 
the  tribe  of  Moguls.  Further  north  and  northeast 
we  find  Siberian  Tartars,  Ostyaks,  Samoyedes, 
Tunguses,  Yakuts,  Yukahirs,  Koryaks,  Tchuk- 
tchis,  Kamchadales  and  Guiliaks.  With  the  ex- 
ception of  the  Tartars,  who  are  partly  settled, 
these  are  all  nomadic  tribes,  and  are  engaged  in 
hunting,  fishing  and  cattle  raising.  In  the  extreme 


146 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


north,  reindeer  breeding  is  carried  on.  South  of 
the  region  occupied  by  Russians,  there  are  settled 
Siberian  Tartars,  Kirghizes,  Altayans,  Kalmuks, 
Soyots  and  Buriats,  who  live  only  by  cattle  breed- 
ing and  agriculture.  Some  of  these  elements  of 
the  Siberian  population  such  as  Tchuktchis, 
Guiliaks,  Kamchadales,  who  are  not  amenable  to 
the  influences  of  civilization,  are  very  scant  in 
number,  and  will  most  likely  die  out  altogether; 
others,  such  as  Kirghizes  and  Buriats,  on  the  con- 
trary, are  important  ethnographical  unities,  and 
give  promise  of  increased  vitality. 

The  mineral  wealth  of  Siberia,  particularly  in 
its  eastern  part,  is  fabulous ; its  extent  is  far  from 
being  finally  determined,  but  it  is  certain  that  its 
treasures  are  almost  inexhaustible.  The  area  of 
its  auriferous  regions  is  much  larger  than  that 
of  the  celebrated  gold  mines  of  California,  Aus- 
tralia and  Africa  taken  together.  Beginning  from 
the  Alatau  Mountains,  of  which  both  slopes  are 
very  rich  in  gold,  this  auriferous  region  extends 
eastward  along  the  northern  slope  of  the  Saiansk 
Mountains  in  an  almost  continuous  broad  strip. 
Then  it  continues  across  both  slopes  of  the  Stano- 
voi and  Yablonoi  Mountains  right  away  to  the 
extreme  east  of  Siberia.  The  extensive  gold 
deposits  of  the  Yenisei,  Olekma,  Vitim,  and  many 
other  river  systems,  constitute,  as  it  were,  an 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


147 


immense  addition  to  the  chief  gold  area.  Up  to 
the  present,  gold  has  almost  exclusively  been  ob- 
tained from  sand.  Mining  of  gold  ores  is  carried 
on  in  the  Yenisei,  Altai  and  Transbaikal  district, 
but  only  to  a very  small  extent,  owing  to  the 
difficulty  of  working  and  the  lack  of  mechanical 
appliances. 

In  many  parts  there  are  lodes  of  copper,  silver 
and  lead.  Those  found  on  the  branches  of  the 
Saiansk  and  Alatau  Mountains,  in  the  district  of 
Nertchinsk  and  the  Kirgiz  steppe  are  particularly 
remarkable.  The  quantity  of  metal  contained  in 
the  ores  varies  greatly.  Silver,  lead  and  copper 
mining  reached  a high  point  of  development  last 
century,  but  within  the  past  twenty-five  years  this 
industry  has  begun  to  fall  off,  chiefly  owing  to  the 
rise  in  the  price  of  labor. 

Iron  and  coal  exist  in  great  quantities  through- 
out the  whole  extent  of  Siberia,  from  the  borders 
of  the  Government  of  Orenburg  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Lena,  to  Kamtchatka,  the  Island  of  Sagalien 
and  the  frontier  of  Korea.  At  the  present  time, 
coal  is  worked  only  in  the  Kuznetsk  basin,  on  the 
Island  of  Sagalien  and  in  the  Kirgiz  steppes.  It  is 
also  proposed  to  exploit  the  coal  beds  recently  dis- 
covered in  the  southern  part  of  the  Primorsk 
province.  These  have  been  surveyed  and  found 
to  be  very  rich,  and  to  contain  some  quantity  of 


148 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


anthracite.  Contiguous  veins  of  coal  and  iron  were 
found  in  some  places,  foundries  were  formed,  but 
these  have  been  in  anything  but  a flourishing 
condition  until  quite  lately,  owing  to  the  small 
demand  for  their  output  and  their  remoteness 
from  the  markets. 

In  western  Siberia,  common  salt  is  extracted 
from  the  self-depositing  lakes,  which  occur  in 
considerable  numbers  in  the  southern  portion  of 
the  steppe  region  lying  between  the  forty-sev- 
enth and  fifty-fifth  degrees  of  north  latitude,  and 
the  sixty-third  and  seventy-third  degrees  of  east 
longitude  (from  Paris),  which  was  once  the  bot- 
tom of  a sea  basin.  In  the  northern  portion  of 
this  salt  basin,  which  embraces  the  Barabinsk 
and  Kouloundinsk  steppes,  the  salt  lakes  always 
contain  a greater  or  less  amount  of  other  salts 
besides  common  salt.  There  are  many  lakes 
which  contain  rich  layers  of  glauber  salt  only. 
In  eastern  Siberia  there  are  very  rich  beds  of 
rock  salt,  but  the  best  salt  springs  and  layers  are 
found  in  thinly  inhabited  districts,  so  that  trans- 
port to  the  markets  is  very  expensive,  owing  to 
the  want  of  proper  means  of  communication. 

Besides  all  this  mineral  wealth,  tin,  mercury 
and  sulphur  are  found  in  the  Transbaikal  terri- 
tory; naphtha  on  the  Sagalien  Island  and  many 
kinds  of  precious  stones,  such  as  lapis-lazuli, 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


149 


topaz,  beryl,  aqua-marina,  etc.,  in  the  Trans- 
baikal  territory. 

In  the  basin  of  the  Yenisei,  large  deposits  of 
graphite  are  found.  From  experiments  made  in 
America  this  seems  to  excel  the  Ceylon  variety 
in  purity. 

Siberia  has  long  been  famous  for  its  fur-bear- 
ing animals  and  the  teeming  wealth  of  its  rivers 
and  lakes.  After  agriculture  and  cattle  breed- 
ing, fishing  and  hunting  are  the  chief  pursuits  of 
the  inhabitants.  The  shooting  and  trapping  of 
squirrels  is  at  present  the  main  object  of  the 
chase.  In  the  northern  part  of  eastern  Siberia, 
where  the  slaughter  of  fur-bearing  animals  has 
not  been  quite  so  wholesale  as  in  western 
Siberia,  more  valuable  fur-bearing  animals,  such 
as  the  marten,  ermine,  sable,  fox  and  arctic  fox, 
are  caught.  Beavers,  which  formerly  existed  in 
Kamtchatka,  are  now  very  rare,  but  the  fur  in- 
dustries in  the  waters  washing  the  Russian 
shores  of  the  Pacific  are  much  more  important 
at  present.  Among  the  most  important  is  the 
seal  industry,  which  is  specially  developed  on 
the  Commandorskie  and  Pribyloff  Islands,  the 
former  belonging  to  Russia,  the  latter  to 
America.  From  1871  to  1891,  730,539  seal  skins 
came  into  the  market  from  Russian  territory 
alone.  Besides  seals,  the  northern  and  eastern 


150 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


waters  of  Russia  are  very  rich  in  sea  calves, 
whales,  sea  lions  and  other  marine  animals. 

The  supply  of  fish  in  Siberia,  and  particularly 
in  the  rivers  falling  into  the  Pacific  and  North- 
ern Oceans,  is  almost  inexhaustible.  The  Sea 
of  Okhotsk  and  the  Sea  of  Japan  abound  in  fish. 
The  more  valuable  species  of  fish,  kinds  such  as 
sturgeon  and  salmon,  are  so  plentiful  that  while 
making  their  periodical  progress  from  the  seas 
to  the  rivers,  they  force  each  other  on  to  the 
bank  whenever  the  stream  happens  to  be  shal- 
low. Capital  is  so  scarce,  means  of  communica- 
tion so  scant,  and  the  natives  know  so  little  of 
fish  curing,  that  only  so  much  fish  has  been  con- 
sumed hitherto  as  was  required  locally,  the  re- 
mainder being  sent  to  Japan  by  Japanese  traders. 

Notwithstanding  the  immense  wealth  of 
Siberia,  manufacturing  industry  and  trade  have 
not  been  able  to  develop  themselves  to  a corre- 
sponding extent,  owing  to  the  thinness  of  the 
population  and  the  absence  of  cheap  and  suitable 
means  of  communication.  Consequently,  though 
there  have  been  repeated  attempts  on  the  part 
of  the  government  and  private  individuals  to 
establish  industry  on  a large  scale  in  Siberia, 
manufactories  and  works  have  been  started  there 
only  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  and  only  such 
have  succeeded  as  served  to  meet  the  modest 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


I5i 


wants  of  a small  local  population  or  produced  an 
article  of  such  value  that  it  could  bear  the  cost  of 
carriage  to  a great  distance. 

Such  was  the  general  condition  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  time  when  the  construction  of  the 
great  Siberian  Railway  heralded  the  dawn  of  a 
new  era. 

Though  the  line  will  not  be  finished  till  1902, 
some  instances  have  already  come  to  light  which 
prove  what  a great  civilizing  effect  it  will  have 
in  future.  Among  others  we  may  note  the  rapid 
increase  in  the  population.  As  we  have  already 
mentioned,  the  Russian  Government  long  ago 
took  various  measures  to  attract  pure  Russian 
elements  to  Siberia.  At  present  the  Russian 
Government  deems  it  very  necessary  to  consoli- 
date Russian  national  feeling  there  in  view  of  a 
possible  invasion  of  the  region  by  the  yellow 
race  in  the  near  future.  The  government  has, 
therefore,  taken  this  matter  under  its  direct  con- 
trol, propagating  exact  information  about  Si- 
beria, publishing  special  maps  on  a large  scale, 
preparing  and  adapting  sections  of  land  for  the 
settlement  of  immigrants  by  the  help  of  local 
government  agents.  Such  places  as  still  remain 
uninhabited,  owing  to  their  wild  character,  are 
carefully  explored.  There  is  yet  but  little  land 
available  for  colonization,  and  which  could  be 


152 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


granted  to  newcomers  without  encroaching  on 
the  reserves  of  the  old  inhabitants,  whether  Rus- 
sian or  indigenous;  and  the  greater  part  of  these 
lands  is  already  occupied. 

Therefore,  the  government  has  now  permitted 
the  occupation  of  tracts  less  suitable  for  culture, 
which  have  hitherto  been  waste  land,  as,  for  in- 
stance, the  well-known  Barabinsk  steppe,  which 
suffers  from  a lack  of  good  water  and  is  infested 
with  insects  that  torment  the  inhabitants.  Fur- 
ther, with  a view  to  extending  and  enlarging  the 
area  for  the  reception  of  immigrants,  forests  are 
being  cut  down,  drainage  systems  planned  and 
wells  sunk  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  good 
water.  In  order  to  ensure  the  future  prosperity 
of  the  immigrants,  the  government  is  taking 
measures  of  every  description  to  preserve  the 
forests  and  natural  riches  in  those  parts  intended 
for  settlements.  It  furnishes  material  assistance 
and  provides  medical  aid  for  immigrants  who  are 
usually  of  the  poorer  classes,  and  it  has  set  aside 
a special  fund  for  their  benefit.  In  this  way, 
regions  which  till  quite  lately  were  endless 
steppes,  such  as  we  find  in  western  Siberia,  or 
dark,  impassable  forests,  as  in  eastern  Siberia, 
even  now,  when  the  railway  is  far  from  being 
completed,  already  show  a great  animation.  In 
many  places  along  the  line  settlements  with  a 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


153 


population  of  8,000  or  9,000  have  already  sprung 
up,*such  as  the  settlement  of  Novonikolaevsk, 
near  the  bridge  across  the  Obi,  the  station  of 
Taiga  at  the  beginning  of  the  Tomsk  branch, 
and  the  stations  of  Niman  and  Krasnaya-rietchka 
on  the  Usuri  line.  The  following  table  shows 
the  annual  number  of  immigrants: 


In 

Men. 

1887 

25,137 

1888 

35,848 

1889 

40,195 

1890 

48,776 

1891 

87,432 

1892 

92,146 

1893 

64,321 

In 

Men. 

1894 

72,224 

1895 

120,000 

1896 

1897 

84,978 

1898 

175,000 

Total 

1,047,679 

The  Siberian  Railway  has  brought  into  the 
country  not  only  a new  population,  but  new  in- 
stitutions and  new  culture.  It  was  difficult  for 
the  new  arrivals  from  Russia  to  adjust  them- 
selves to  the  legal  forms  which  already  existed. 
This  fact  prompted  the  government  to  extend 
to  Siberia  the  statutes  of  the  Emperor  Alexander 
II.,  relating  to  juries  and  the  appointment  of  jus- 
tices of  the  peace.  The  great  importance  of  this 
reform  can  only  be  realized  by  Siberians,  who, 
thanks  to  it,  will  really  obtain  speedy  and  equi- 
table and  clement  justice,  but  who  were  pre- 
viously tried  in  courts  of  an  administrative  char- 


154 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


acter.  In  a short  time  this  reform  was  followed 
by  the  long-wished-for  abolition  of  transporta- 
tion of  criminals. 

Simultaneously  with  the  increase  of  population 
in  the  districts  through  which  the  Siberian  Rail- 
way passes,  and  in  proportion  as  it  was  opened  to 
traffic,  all  kinds  of  industries,  which  already  ex- 
isted there,  began  to  develop.  It  now  seemed 
possible  to  export  goods  to  the  Russian  and  for- 
eign markets,  which  could  not  be  sent  there 
under  the  former  conditions  of  transport.  The 
greatest  improvement  hitherto  has  been  appar- 
ent in  agriculture,  which,  as  already  stated,  con- 
stitutes almost  the  sole  occupation  of  the  civil- 
ized inhabitants.  Thanks  to  the  railway,  Siberian 
corn  has  found  its  way  to  foreign  markets.  In- 
deed, since  the  opening  of  the  West  Siberian  line, 
the  railway  authorities  have  sometimes  been  un- 
able to  send  off  all  the  consignments  of  corn  in 
proper  time.  These  were  often  stored  in  large 
quantities  along  the  line.  In  1898  there  were 
6,500  wagon  loads  of  corn  stored  in  this  way; 
240  wagons  were  added  daily,  and  the  railway 
could  only  send  off  120  wagons.  The  export  to 
Russia  of  tallow,  skins,  wool  and  frozen  meat  has 
increased  enormously  of  late  years.  This  is  one 
result  of  the  development  of  cattle  breeding  in 
those  districts  traversed  by  the  railway.  Another 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


155 


is  the  increased  activity  in  the  butter-making 
industry,  especially  in  the  Province  of  Tobolsk. 
This  industry  has  found  a large  market  abroad, 
some  2,600,000  kilograms  of  Siberian  butter  hav- 
ing been  exported  in  1896. 

Of  course  these  facts  show  only  the  small  be- 
ginning of  the  great  revolution  which  will  be  ef- 
fected by  the  railway  in  all  branches  of  Siberian 
economical  life,  in  agriculture  and  cattle  breed- 
ing, manufactures  and  trade.  In  the  mining  in- 
dustry we  might  say  that  at  present  attention  is 
only  given  to  the  working  of  gold.  Such  a state 
of  affairs  is  abnormal,  for  besides  gold  there  are 
immense  stores  of  other  mineral  wealth.  The 
construction  of  a railway  near  rich  seams  of  coal, 
iron,  copper  and  other  minerals  will  give  an  im- 
pulse to  the  working  of  them;  for,  on  one  hand, 
the  railway  itself  will  require  some  of  the  produc- 
tions of  mining  industry;  on  the  other,  it  will 
make  it  possible  to  largely  extend  the  market  for 
them,  and  thus  will  bring  about  a better  organi- 
zation of  existing  mining  enterprises. 

The  construction  of  the  Great  Siberian  Rail- 
way has  even  now  begun  to  produce  a marked 
effect  on  Siberian  trade,  which  formerly  was  car- 
ried on  entirely  by  monopolists.  In  each  district 
or  town  there  was  a local  capitalist,  who  laid  in  a 
stock  of  goods  at  the  fairs  of  Nijni-Novgorod,  or 


156 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


elsewhere,  and  then  fixed  his  own  prices  accord- 
ing to  the  means  of  his  customers,  and  competi- 
tion was  non-existent.  An  enterprising  man, 
who  had  neither  capital  nor  credit,  could  not 
compete  with  these  monopolists,  because  of  the 
absence  of  good  means  of  communication.  This 
abnormal  state  of  affairs  is  already  improving. 
The  railway  which  has  connected  Siberia  with 
centres  of  production  has  rendered  travelling 
cheaper  and  quicker,  and  made  capital  circulate 
more  freely.  People  of  small  means  are  now  en- 
abled to  make  long  journeys  for  the  purchase  of 
stock,  and  they  can  enter  into  direct  communica- 
tion with  the  producers  and  wholesale  merchants 
in  large  centres.  The  trade  of  Siberia  has  be- 
come more  democratic,  and  increasing  competi- 
tion has  effected  a change  in  its  character. 

Notwithstanding  the  small  population,  the 
uniformity  of  occupation,  the  poverty  of  the  in- 
habitants and  the  absence  of  important  industrial 
centres  along  the  line,  the  traffic  on  the  portions 
of  the  railway  already  opened  has  exceeded  all 
expectations.  Instead  of  the  former  three  pairs 
of  trains  each  day,  as  originally  intended,  the 
managers  have  been  obliged  to  send  off  five  pairs 
daily.  These  convey  consignments  of  raw  ma- 
terials, particularly  grain,  and  are  sent  to  the 
markets  of  Russia  and  western  Europe.  Purely 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


157 


local  loads  sent  from  one  part  of  Siberia  to  an- 
other are  small  in  quantity,  for,  owing  to  the  uni- 
formity of  occupation  in  western  and  central  Si- 
beria, large  exchange  of  goods  is  unnecessary, 
and  the  country  people  can  supply  their  own 
modest  wants.  The  influence  of  the  railway  on 
the  export  of  Siberian  goods  to  the  adjacent 
countries  of  Asia  is  so  far  also  very  insignificant. 
But,  of  course,  this  state  of  affairs  is  only  tem- 
porary, and  may  be  explained  by  the  fact  that  the 
railway  is  not  yet  finished,  and  that  Siberia  is 
only  beginning  to  emerge  from  very  primitive 
conditions.  With  the  termination  of  the  railway 
and  the  influx  of  population  and  capital  to  the 
country,  not  only  will  the  trade  of  the  interior  be 
developed,  but  Siberia  will  also  supply  the  coun- 
tries of  eastern  Asia  with  manufactured  goods. 

One  of  the  inevitable  results,  in  conjunction 
with  the  influx  of  immigrants  and  capital,  will 
be  a greater  division  of  labor,  so  necessary  to  the 
economical  development  of  these  dominions.  In 
dependence  on  the  natural  and  economical  con- 
ditions, the  population  of  each  locality  will  de- 
vote their  attention  to  one  or  many  defined  in- 
dustries, and  the  railway  will  assure  the  sale  of 
their  goods  either  abroad  or  in  other  parts  of 
Siberia. 

As  far  as  we  can  judge  at  present,  Siberia  will 


158 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


in  future  be  divided  into  the  following  industrial 
regions : 

1.  The  agricultural  region,  extending  along 
the  railway  line  from  the  Ural  to  Lake  Baikal. 
The  products  of  this  region,  which  are  prin- 
cipally grain,  will  be  sent  abroad  through  Russia 
in  Europe  and  also  to  eastern  Siberia  and  Turk- 
estan. The  project  of  a branch  line  to  Turkestan 
has  already  been  discussed  by  the  administration, 
and  its  construction  is  merely  a question  of  time. 
This  branch  line  would  indirectly  be  very  advan- 
tageous to  the  whole  Empire,  for  Siberian  corn 
could  be  sent  over  it  to  Turkestan,  and  the  in- 
habitants of  that  country  would  then  devote 
their  entire  energies  to  the  cultivation  of  the  cot- 
ton plant. 

2.  Two  cattle  breeding  regions,  in  Transbai- 
kalia, and  in  the  steppes  of  western  Siberia, 
south  of  the  agricultural  region. 

3.  The  forest  region,  occupying  the  im- 
mense forests  north  of  the  agricultural  region. 

4.  The  fishing  centres,  along  the  shores  of 
the  Pacific  and  near  the  mouths  of  large  rivers. 

5.  The  mining  and  manufacturing  region, 
which  coincides  with  the  basin  of  the  Amur,  and 
to  which  we  may  add  the  territory  situated 
northeast  of  it  and  the  Island  of  Sagalien.  Owing 
to  its  mountainous  character  and  the  compara- 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


159 


tive  absence  of  land  suitable  for  agricultural  pur- 
poses, the  cultivation  of  cereals  is  not  likely  to  be 
carried  on  here  on  a large  scale,  more  especially 
as  countries  round  about — central  and  western 
Siberia,  Manchuria,  Korea,  Japan,  China,  India 
and  America — are  already  well  supplied  with 
grain.  We  may  presume  that  gold  mining  will 
for  a long  time  remain  one  of  the  chief  occupa- 
tions of  the  inhabitants  of  this  region.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  abundance  of  coal  and  iron  in 
this  region — both  such  powerful  aids  to  econom- 
ical development — sufficiently  guarantees  the 
rise  of  the  manufacturing  industry  at  no  very  dis- 
tant date.  In  the  Amur  territory  there  will  doubt- 
less be  a rapid  growth  of  factories  to  supply  the 
large  demand  for  cotton  goods  in  the  neighbor- 
ing countries  of  Manchuria  and  Korea.  These 
factories  will  draw  their  supply  of  raw  material 
from  Russian  Turkestan,  China,  Korea,  India 
and  North  America.  The  importation  of  woollen 
stuffs  to  China  and  Japan,  where  no  sheep  breed- 
ing is  carried  on,  is  increasing  yearly.  It  would 
be  greatly  to  the  advantage  of  the  Amur  manu- 
factories to  participate  in  this  industry,  as  they 
could  procure  large  quantities  of  cheap  wool 
from  Transbaikalia  and  Mongolia.  Finally,  the 
climate  and  soil  of  the  Amur  territory  are  both 
favorable  for  the  cultivation  of  the  sugar  beet,  to- 


i6o 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


bacco,  flax  and  hemp,  the  manufactured  product 
of  which  may  also  find  a market  in  the  countries 
round  about. 

In  the  economical  awakening  of  Siberia,  and 
particularly  of  its  richest  part — the  basin  of  the 
Amur — an  important  role  will  doubtless  be 
played  by  the  United  States,  which  is  the  nearest 
civilized  neighbor,  with  whom  Russia  can  have 
no  serious  misunderstandings.  The  trade  of 
North  America  with  Vladivostok  has  hitherto 
not  been  very  extensive,  and  has  been  confined 
to  the  importation  of  small  quantities  of  flour, 
other  foodstuffs,  machinery,  agricultural  imple- 
ments, leather,  etc.,  from  San  Francisco.  Owing 
to  the  absence  of  economical  life  in  Siberia,  noth- 
ing else,  of  course,  was  to  be  expected.  But  the 
small  volume  of  trade  up  to  the  present  time  is 
no  indication  of  what  future  years  will  bring 
about.  In  fact,  an  improvement  has  already 
been  made,  and  American  factories  have  supplied 
various  materials,  locomotives  and  rails  particu- 
larly, for  the  Manchurian  railway. 

The  Manchurian  railway  at  present  consists 
only  of  a single  line,  but  the  management  has 
had  the  track  made  broad  enough  to  admit  of  a 
double  line,  and  its  construction  will  follow  in 
due  course.  For  the  construction  of  this  second 
line  192,000,000  kilograms  of  rails  will  be  re- 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY. 


161 


quired.  Then,  besides  the  amount  of  rails  neces- 
sary for  the  smaller  yearly  repairs  on  the  Man- 
churian and  Siberian  lines,  and  the  proposed 
branches  of  the  latter,  960,000,000  kilograms  of 
rails  will  be  required  in  ten  years’  time  for  a thor- 
ough repair  of  these  railways.  At  the  same  time 
a gradual  renewal  of  the  rolling  stock  will  be 
necessary.  At  the  rail,  engine  and  car-building 
works  of  the  United  States  work  is  as  well  done 
as  in  England,  and  at  the  same  time  much  more 
quickly  and  cheaply;  it  is  therefore  certain  that 
the  United  States  will  have  many  opportunities 
of  supplying  the  Siberian  and  Manchurian  rail- 
ways with  rails  and  rolling  stock.  In  general, 
machinery  and  mechanical  industries  of  America 
will  find  a large  market  in  all  parts  of  Siberia  for 
their  productions,  such  as  machinery  necessary 
for  new  manufactories  and  workshops,  and  for 
various  mining  industries,  agricultural  imple- 
ments and  appliances  for  the  equipment  of  fish- 
ing and  other  vessels.  It  must  be  mentioned  here 
that  the  Russian  Government,  in  order  to  pro- 
mote the  economical  development  of  Siberia,  has 
sanctioned  the  importation,  duty-free  until  1909, 
of  all  plants  necessary  for  the  Siberian  and  Ural 
mining  industry,  through  all  her  frontiers.  Be- 
sides this,  no  customs  dues  are  to  be  levied  until 
1903  upon  fishing  nets  and  machinery  necessary 


1 62 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


for  the  different  manufacturing  and  mechanical 
establishments  of  Siberia,  which  may  be  imported 
through  the  mouths  of  Siberian  rivers. 

Among  other  important  articles  exported 
from  the  United  States  the  following  may  find  a 
market  in  the  districts  traversed  by  the  Siberian 
railways : In  Manchuria,  cotton  goods  and  sugar 
and  steel  and  iron  ware,  which,  as  contracted  be- 
tween the  Chinese  Government  and  the  com- 
pany constructing  the  Manchurian  railway  will 
be  subject  only  to  the  ordinary  Chinese  customs 
duties  when  brought  to  Manchuria  via  Dalny; 
in  Siberia,  chemical  goods,  soap,  fruit,  hops, 
watches,  musical  instruments,  cycles,  type- 
writers, tinware,  ready-made  clothing,  and  last, 
but  not  least,  raw  cotton  for  the  factories,  which, 
as  stated  above,  will  certainly  spring  up  in  the 
Amur  territory.  Siberian  productions  which 
may  find  a market  in  the  United  States  are  hides, 
wool  and  especially  coal. 

It  is  not  only  the  coal  fields  of  Siberia,  but 
likewise  all  the  rich  stores  of  natural  wealth  that 
are  awaiting  the  advent  of  energetic  and  enter- 
prising men.  To  such  the  Russian  epithet  “ gold 
bottom,”  as  applied  to  Siberia,  will  prove  no  mis- 
nomer. These  vast  treasures  are  lying  idle  be- 
cause of  the  absence  of  capital  and  enterprise. 
In  this  respect  Siberia  offers  a wide  and  im- 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY.  163 


portant  field  of  action  to  the  capitalists  of  North 
America,  who  are  famous  for  the  breadth  of  their 
views  and  their  energy.  Every  serious  enter- 
prise in  Siberia  in  which  American  capital  will  be 
invested  will  be  welcomed  by  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment. 

The  Siberian  Railway  will  be  an  important 
factor  in  the  trade  of  the  world,  as  a means  of 
transit  between  Europe  and  the  Far  East.  It  is 
true  that,  in  this  respect,  it  has  rivals  in  the  sea 
route  through  the  Suez  Canal,  and  the  combined 
sea  and  land  route  through  North  America.  Yet 
the  Siberian  Railway  has  on  its  side  an  advantage, 
which  is  most  important  in  our  day,  and  which 
is  indicated  in  the  old  saw,  “ time  is  money.” 
With  the  completion  of  this  work,  Port  Arthur 
will  be  connected  with  St.  Petersburg  by  a railway 
of  5,850  English  miles,  with  Berlin  of  6,350 
English  miles,  with  Paris  of  7,100  English  miles 
and  with  London  of  7,300  English  miles.  With 
the  quick  trains  on  the  European  system,  these 
distances  could  be  covered  in  from  eight  to  ten 
days  (in  five  and  a half  days  by  the  Nord  Ex- 
press). But  even  if  we  take  the  present  speed 
of  the  West  Siberian  trains  (twenty-two  versts 
an  hour),  it  follows  that  only  eighteen  days  are 
necessary  for  the  journey  from  Western  Europe 
to  Port  Arthur.  This  speed  can  easily  be  in- 


164 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


creased  to  twenty-five  versts  an  hour.  Then  the 
journey  from  London  to  the  Far  East  will  take 
the  following  time  by  the  rival  routes : 

To  To  To 

Yokohama.  Shanghai.  Hongkong. 
Via  Siberian  Railway...  18  days.  17  days.  20  days. 

Via  Suez  Canal 34  days.  28  days.  25  days. 

Via  America 25  days.  31  days.  33  days. 

This  great  advantage  possessed  by  the  Siberian 
Railway  will  cause  an  important  revolution  in  the 
communications  between  Europe  and  the  Far 
East.  Firstly,  the  mails,  for  which  speed  is  so 
essential,  will  be  sent  by  this  railway,  and  sec- 
ondly, the  greater  part  of  the  passenger  traffic 
will  come  to  it.  It  is  true,  that  some  apprehension 
is  felt  about  the  fatiguing  effect  of  a long  railway 
journey  on  the  passengers,  but  in  the  special 
Siberian  trains  everything  is  done  that  can  con- 
duce to  comfort  and  amusement.  There  are  a 
library,  bath  rooms,  and  even  cars  fitted  up  for 
gymnastics.  Of  course,  the  railway  journey  is 
not  so  pleasant  as  the  voyage  on  one  of  the  excel- 
lent ocean  steamers,  when  the  weather  is  fine. 
But,  first  of  all,  the  Chinese  Sea  and  the  Indian 
Ocean  are  never  calm  except  in  March  and  April, 
and,  secondly,  there  is  for  two  whole  weeks  no 
escape  from  the  intense  tropical  heat  when  coming 


THE  GREAT  SIBERIAN  RAILWAY.  165 

through  the  Suez  Canal.  The  Canadian  route, 
on  the  other  hand,  involves  a double  transfer  from 
ship  to  train.  We  must  also  bear  in  mind  the 
fact  that  the  Siberian  route  will  be  the  cheapest 
as  well  as  the  most  rapid  one.  At  present  the 
journey  from  Paris  or  London  to  the  ports  of 
China  and  Japan,  by  the  transoceanic  route,  costs, 
first-class,  from  1,800  to  1,840  francs,  including 
food.  But  owing  to  the  very  low  fares  charged 
for  long  distances  in  the  Russian  Empire,  the 
overland  journey  will  cost  in  all  only  from  800 
to  950  francs — that  is,  only  about  half  the  cost 
of  the  route  by  Suez  or  America. 

With  the  goods  traffic,  things  will  be  different ; 
for  most  commodities,  the  cost  of  transport  is 
more  important  than  speed ; therefore,  as  far  as 
all  heavy  merchandise  is  concerned,  the  railway 
cannot  compete  with  the  sea  route.  But,  in  spite 
of  this,  we  may  anticipate  that  the  greater  part 
of  valuable  goods  from  Russia,  or  Europe,  to  the 
Far  East  will  be  sent  by  railway,  as,  with  a tariff 
of  half  a cent  per  English  mile,  per  ton,  the  trans- 
port by  land  would  only  be  slightly  dearer  than 
by  sea,  not  to  speak  of  the  possibility  of  reducing 
the  land  journey  to  twenty-five  or  thirty  days, 
whereas,  by  sea,  at  present,  goods  from  Mos- 
cow to  Vladivostok  are  forty-five  days  in  tran- 
sit. Goods  which  suffer  from  sea-damp  and 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


1 66 

tropical  heat  will  also  be  sent  by  the  Siberian 
Railway. 

The  Manchurian  Railway  will  have  at  its  own 
disposal  steamers  running  between  the  termini  of 
the  Siberian  Railway  and  the  chief  ports  in  the 
Far  East,  which  will  also  tend  to  attract  passen- 
gers and  goods  to  the  Siberian  line. 

The  Siberian  Railway  will  greatly  consolidate 
Russia’s  position  on  the  shores  of  the  Pacific, 
facilitating  the  transport  of  important  military 
forces  thither  at  any  time. 

The  outlay  of  the  immense  sum  of  four  hun- 
dred million  roubles  for  the  construction  of  the 
railway  obliges  Russia  to  do  her  utmost  to  recom- 
pense herself  for  this  outlay  by  developing  the 
economical  forces  of  Siberia  and  attracting  as 
much  traffic  as  possible  to  the  railway.  Therefore, 
from  the  moment  when  the  railway  is  completed, 
Russia’s  principal  task  in  the  Far  East  will  be,  not 
the  encouragement  of  political  and  territorial 
aggrandizement,  but  a ceaseless  effort  to  promote 
peace  and  tranquillity,  those  main  factors  which 
will  enable  the  Siberian  Railway  to  play  its  eco- 
nomical part  as  the  vital  artery  of  Siberia  and  all 
the  Old  World. 


Mikhailoff. 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


None  of  the  Powers  has  greater  interests  at 
stake  in  China,  whether  existent  or  prospective, 
than  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  As 
will  be  seen  by  my  Report  on  the  China  Mission, 
shortly  to  be  published  by  Messrs.  Harper  and 
Brothers,  the  latest  figures  I was  able  to  obtain 
during  my  visit  to  China  last  year  ( 1898)  showed 
that  these  two  Powers  had  over  seventy-two  per 
cent,  of  the  whole  of  the  foreign  trade  with  China 
in  their  hands ; all  the  other  Powers  combined 
having  only  twenty-eight  per  cent,  between  them, 
of  which  Japan  possesses  the  larger  share. 

It  is  perfectly  true  that,  upon  examining  these 
figures,  there  seems  to  be  a great  disproportion 
between  sixty-four  per  cent,  of  trade  possessed 
by  Great  Britain,  and  the  eight  per  cent,  possessed 
by  the  United  States.  It  must  be  remembered, 
however,  that  it  was  Great  Britain  who  opened 
up,  made  possible,  and  developed  the  foreign  trade 
of  the  Chinese  Empire.  For  many  years,  Great 


170 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Britain  held  an  almost  undisputed  commercial 
position  in  that  country.  Subsequently,  other 
European  countries  began  to  compete  with  her; 
but  the  American  nation,  which  is  probably  about 
the  latest  of  these  competitors,  has  already  out- 
distanced all  rivals,  and  obtained  eight  per  cent, 
of  the  whole  trade,  as  against  the  twenty-eight  per 
cent,  of  all  other  nations  combined  (including 
Japan).  Viewed  in  this  light,  it  will  be  seen  that 
the  disproportion  between  the  trade  of  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  is  less  real  than 
apparent.  There  are  one  or  two  other  factors 
which  have  to  be  taken  into  consideration  in 
studying  these  statistics,  which,  like  all  figures, 
are  more  or  less  misleading. 

The  first  point  is  that  not  only  is  a very  large 
proportion  of  American  trade  carried  in  British 
bottoms,  but,  in  addition,  a considerable  amount 
is  consigned  to  the  old-established  British  firms 
in  China,,  and  therefore  is  rightly  treated  as 
British  commerce  by  the  Chinese  customs.  This 
trade  in  American  goods  is  very  large,  I am  told ; 
and,  while  it  is  rightly  classified  as  British,  being 
British  owned,  and  carried  in  British  ships  to 
Chinese  ports,  yet  its  place  of  origin  is  none  the 
less  American. 

The  second  point  is,  that  this  eight  per  cent, 
of  actual  American  trade  as  against  sixty-four 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


W 


per  cent,  of  nominal  British  trade,  has  been  ob- 
tained in  a comparatively  few  years,  and  the 
proportionate  increase  of  trade  in  the  last  two  or 
three  years  would  therefore  be  found  to  be  in 
favor  of  America. 

The  third,  and  still  more  important,  point  is 
that,  while  the  British  volume  of  trade  is  still 
growing,  there  is  no  doubt  that  in  several  direc- 
tions, notably  in  drills,  jeans  and  sheetings,  the 
trade  of  the  United  States  has  steadily  gone  ahead 
in  China,  while  in  British  trade  there  has  been 
a decline.  The  cotton  piece  goods  trade  as  a whole 
declined  during  1897,  but,  in  the  items  quoted 
above,  there  was  actually  an  increase  of  nearly 
500,000  pieces,  all  of  American  manufacture. 

It  is  apparent,  therefore,  that  the  interest  of 
the  United  States  in  the  foreign  trade  of  China 
is  not  only  an  increasing  one,  but  is  also  a pro- 
portionately greater  interest  than  that  of  all 
European  competitors,  with  the  exception  of 
Great  Britain,  and  this  despite  the  fact  that  most 
of  them  had  the  start  of  the  United  States  in 
competing  with  Great  Britain  for  the  China 
market. 

I was  pleased  to  find  that  on  the  whole  the 
American  press,  as  the  representative  of  public 
opinion  in  the  United  States,  warmly  endorsed 
the  views  which  I expressed  relative  to  the  open 


1/2 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


door,  in  my  speeches  on  my  way  back  to  Great 
Britain,  and  all  appeared  to  be  very  much  inter- 
ested in  the  China  problem.  Despite  this  interest, 
however,  I was  unable  to  obtain  any  definite  ex- 
pression of  opinion  in  favor  of  an  active  policy  in 
Chinese  affairs. 

The  commercial  community  of  any  country 
knows  its  own  business  better  than  any  outsider 
can  teach  it,  and  all  I propose  to  do  is  to  lay  plain 
facts  before  my  American  readers,  without  pre- 
suming to  dictate  to  them  as  to  what  their  line  of 
policy  should  be. 

The  position  and  importance  of  American 
trade  with  China  I have  already  shown  to  be  con- 
siderable. The  prospects  of  its  development,  and 
the  many  openings  for  increasing  trade,  will  be 
found  on  reading  my  Report.  The  only  question 
which  remains,  and  which  I propose  to  shortly 
deal  with  here,  is  the  actual  position  and  prospects 
of  China  herself,  and  how  American  interests  are 
thereby  affected. 

Some  of  the  American  journals  which  dis- 
agreed with  me,  seemed  to  doubt  the  wisdom  of 
the  policy  I suggested  in  my  speeches  in  America, 
because,  they  say,  “ if  inaugurated  it  would  force 
the  United  States  into  a situation  which  might 
lead  to  war,”  and  therefore  the  interests  involved 


PICHON  SIR  CLAUDE  MACDONALD  EDWIN  H.  CONGER 

Minister  British  Minister  United  States  Minister 

Reproduced  from  Harper's  U'eekly 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


173 


are  not  commensurate  with  the  risks  and  respon- 
sibilities likely  to  be  incurred. 

I can  quite  understand  this  argument,  and  how 
strongly  it  must  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  who  have  always  endeavored  to  observe 
a policy  of  non-intervention  in  foreign  affairs, 
unless  important  interests  of  the  American  people 
were  at  stake,  or  their  sense  of  justice  was  ap- 
pealed to.  This  is  a perfectly  intelligible  policy 
on  the  part  of  a commercial  nation,  to  which  peace 
is  of  the  highest  importance,  because  of  the  dis- 
turbing effect  of  war  on  trade  and  commerce. 
But  there  are  occasions  on  which  it  is  necessary 
to  protect  commercial  interests  by  going  to  war, 
and  there  are  occasions  on  which  an  energetic 
policy  is  necessary  in  order  to  prevent  war,  and 
to  avoid  irreparable  damage  to  trade  and  com- 
merce. The  situation  we  are  now  facing  comes 
under  the  last-named  head.  In  my  humble  opinion, 
in  the  present  state  of  affairs  with  regard  to  China, 
it  would  be  better  in  the  commercial  interests  of 
both  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  that 
they  should  support  China,  and  so  prevent  the 
total  collapse  of  this  immense  Empire,  together 
with  the  consequent  disorganization  of  trade,  and 
the  expenditure  of  blood  and  money  which  will 
be  required  to  restore  law  and  order,  and  to  re- 


174 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


establish  that  confidence  without  which  trade 
cannot  flourish. 

If  it  were  merely  a question  of  the  present  value 
of  American-Chinese  trade  being  involved,  I can 
quite  see  that  it  would  pay  the  United  States  to 
remain  an  unmoved  spectator  of  events  in  the 
Far  East ; but  this  is  not  the  case.  China  is  an 
almost  untapped  market.  It  is  a vast  country 
with  an  enormous  population,  and  rich  natural 
resources,  all  of  which  can  be  developed.  Can 
either  the  United  States  or  Great  Britain  afford 
to  stand  aside,  and  see  their  present  trade  dis- 
turbed, if  not  lost;  and,  also,  their  share  in  the 
prospective  development  of  China  as  a whole 
interfered  with?  There  is  no  doubt  what  the 
answer  of  the  commercial  classes  in  Great  Britain 
will  be,  and  I do  not  think  that  there  will  be  much 
difference  between  their  views  and  those  of  the 
business  men  of  the  United  States,  when  the  latter 
have  carefully  examined  the  data  with  which  my 
Report  will  supply  them. 

There  are  only  two  policies  open.  The  one,  I 
contend,  will  inevitably  lead  to  anarchy  and  re- 
bellion in  China,  and  possibly  to  war  between 
the  foreign  nations  whose  interests  clash  in  that 
country.  In  certain  phases  of  situations,  no 
such  thing  as  a policy  of  non-intervention  is  pos- 
sible. This  is  one  of  them.  To  calmly  await 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


175 


events  really  means  to  precipitate  the  dangers 
we  all  wish  to  avoid.  Recent  action  on  the  part 
of  the  various  European  Powers  has  tended  to 
discredit  the  Chinese  Government  in  the  eyes  of 
the  people.  So  called  “ spheres  of  influence”  are 
being  more  or  less  openly  mapped  out.  In  those 
spheres,  certain  countries  are  endeavoring  to  set 
up  a claim  to  exclusive  rights  and  privileges. 
China  is  powerless  to  resist  the  demands  which 
are  made  upon  her,  and,  when  she  yields  to  one 
Power  by  “force  majeure,”  she  is  immediately 
bullied  by  other  Powers  to  give  them  compensa- 
tion for  things  she  had  neither  the  moral  right 
to  grant  nor  the  physical  power  to  refuse. 

This  selfish  and  cowardly  policy  has  been  pur- 
sued by  all  the  European  Powers  in  a minor  or 
major  degree.  If  it  is  continued  much  longer,  it 
must  inevitably  lead  to  the  break-up  of  the  Chi- 
nese Empire.  I will  go  further.  It  has  been 
pursued  too  long  already;  events  are  moving  so 
rapidly  that  we  can  no  longer  adhere  to  a policy 
of  drift.  The  effete  and  corrupt  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment has  been  so  severely  shaken  that,  the 
moment  the  people  realize  its  impotence,  it  must 
fall.  There  are  only  two  policies  in  my  opinion 
to  be  adopted.  The  one  is  to  acquiesce  in  this 
state  of  affairs,  and  so  be  compelled  to  join  the 
dishonest  “ spheres  of  influence”  policy,  which 


i;6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


means  that  every  one  will  take  as  much  territory 
as  he  can.  The  second  and  alternative  line  of 
policy  is  that  which  I have  described  as  the 
“ Open  Door,  or  Equal  Opportunity  for  the 
Trade  of  All  Nations.”  I will  deal  with  both. 

SPHERES  OF  INFLUENCE. 

It  amazes  me  to  hear  people  talk  so  calmly 
about  the  break-up  of  an  empire  of  over  430,- 
000,000  of  people.  It  will  be  easy  to  destroy  the 
present  governmental  system  in  China,  but  how 
is  it  to  be  reconstructed?  What  will  become  of 
the  guarantees  and  undertakings  of  China,  and 
what  security  have  we  that  the  expectant  heirs 
of  the  Sick  Man  of  the  Far  East  will  assume  the 
responsibility  for  his  obligations?  The  phrase 
“ spheres  of  influence”  is  easy  to  use  in  theory, 
but  how  is  the  policy  it  indicates  to  be  carried 
out  in  practice? 

Nominal  spheres  of  influence,  such  as  Ger- 
many now  possesses  in  Shan-tung,  or  Russia  in 
Manchuria,  may  exist  as  long  as  there  is  a Chi- 
nese Government  with  some  authority  over  the 
people  to  maintain  law  and  order;  but  when  that 
government  is  overturned  and  the  authority  of 
the  hated  foreigner  is  substituted  for  it,  the  ques- 
tion becomes  less  easy  to  settle  than  it  looks  on 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


177 


the  face  of  it.  Are  the  Powers  going  to  land 
armies  to  conquer  or  repress  400,000,000  of 
people,  who  even  now  show  an  undisguised 
hatred  and  contempt  for  the  foreigner  and  all  his 
methods?  Are  we  going  to  destroy  an  empire 
which  has  lasted  for  4,000  years,  and  replace  it 
with  something  else  in  a satisfactory  manner, 
within  a period  of  ten,  fifteen,  twenty  or  even  a 
hundred  years?  What  man  of  common  sense  can 
doubt  that  such  a policy  means  endless  trouble, 
anarchy  and  rebellion;  and  an  interference  with 
trade  and  commerce  which  may  be  felt  for  years 
to  come?  To  foreign  bondholders  it  means  a 
loss  of  between  fifty  and  sixty  millions  sterling, 
because  the  debtor  and  his  guarantee  will  both 
have  disappeared. 

How  are  the  rival  interests  of  conflicting  na- 
tions to  be  amicably  adjusted,  if  such  a state  of 
affairs  is  brought  about?  Capital  has  been  in- 
vested and  railways  are  being  built  by  one 
Power  in  the  “ sphere  of  influence”  regarded  by 
another  Power  as  peculiarly  its  own.  For  in- 
stance, in  the  Yang-tse  Valley,  which,  if  “ spheres 
of  influence”  are  marked  out,  Great  Britain  will 
take  measures  to  secure  as  her  own,  several  na- 
tions have  lately  obtained  territorial  concessions, 
which  have  resulted  in  the  disturbance  of  British 
firms  who  owned  land  within  such  concessions. 


178 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


It  cannot  be  doubted  that,  if  the  disintegration 
of  China  begins,  these  and  other  questions  will 
lead  to  international  complications.  Where  is 
the  United  States’  sphere  of  influence  to  be?  I 
think  the  answer  is  very  short.  The  United 
States’  sphere  of  influence,  like  that  of  Great 
Britain,  should  be  wherever  American  trade  pre- 
ponderates over  that  of  other  Powers.  If  one 
Power  is  allowed  to  close  the  door  in  the  south, 
and  others  in  the  north,  no  sphere  of  influence 
can  compensate  America  and  Great  Britain  for 
the  loss  they  must  sustain. 

The  policy  of  inaction  will,  therefore,  by  al- 
lowing the  Chinese  Government  to  fall  to  pieces, 
bring  about  a condition  of  affairs  which  must 
lead  to  an  expenditure  of  blood  and  money  to 
protect  the  lives  and  property  of  foreigners  resi- 
dent in  China.  It  most  probably  will  lead  to  in- 
ternational complications,  and  to  a European 
war,  and  most  certainly  it  will  mean  great  dis- 
turbance to,  if  not  eventual  loss  of,  trade. 

“ THE  OPEN  DOOR.” 

The  alternative  policy  to  that  which  I have 
just  described  is  that  of  the  “ Open  Door,  or 
Equal  Opportunity  for  All.”  This  policy  was 
advocated  in  my  recent  speeches  in  America  on 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


179 


the  China  question.  I suppose  that,  even  in  a 
protectionist  country,  such  as  the  United  States, 
no  one  will  deny  the  advantages  of  such  a policy 
as  applied  to  American  exports  to  China;  and 
that,  whether  the  American  manufacturer  pre- 
fers to  have  preferential  rights  at  home  or  not,  it 
must  be  to  his  advantage  that  he  has  an  equal 
opportunity  with  the  foreigner  abroad,  and  that 
no  foreigner  secures  preferential  rights  in  China 
which  would  leave  American  trade  in  the  cold. 

This  being  so,  only  tbe  question  of  tbe  cost  re- 
mains to  be  calculated,  and  how  such  a policy  is 
to  be  carried  out  if  adopted.  It  is  upon  this 
point  that  I think  some  of  the  American  journals 
misunderstood  my  arguments,  which  probably 
were  not  sufficiently  clearly  stated. 

I deny  that  this  policy  can  lead  to  war,  or  that 
it  will  cost  the  United  States  a single  cent,  or  a 
solitary  soldier  to  carry  it  out. 

The  first  thing  is  to  see  how  this  policy  is  to  be 
undertaken,  and  then  we  can  estimate  the  cost  of 
it.  It  means  a policy  to  be  inaugurated  now, 
whereas  the  alternative  policy  is  a policy  of  pro- 
crastination. This  is  a most  important  point 
when  it  is  remembered  that  there  are  only  two 
Powers  ready  to  go  to  war  in  China  to-day,  or 
who  can  possibly  do  so  with  any  chance  of  suc- 
cess. As  time  goes  on  this  will  be  altered.  At 


i8o 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  present  moment  Great  Britain,  with  her 
enormous  fleet  in  Far  Eastern  waters,  and  the 
100,000  native  troops  she  can  bring  up  from 
India  within  a shorter  time  than  any  other 
Power  can  land  an  army,  combined  with  her  pos- 
session of  the  chief  coaling  stations,  is  pre-em- 
inently in  a position  to  deal  with  the  China  ques- 
tion by  war,  if  she  so  desired.  Next  to  her  comes 
Japan,  with  a fine  fleet  in  close  proximity  to  the 
scene  of  operations,  and  a capacity  to  land  200.- 
000  troops  in  China  at  any  moment.  Apart  from 
these  two,  the  United  States,  by  her  position  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Pacific,  and  the  object  les- 
son she  has  just  given  the  world  of  her  ability 
to  mobilize  men  and  ships  rapidly  and  effec- 
tively, has  also  to  be  counted  with;  while,  as  any 
trouble  in  China  would  probably  mean  Euro- 
pean complications,  Germany  would  ha\  e to  be 
regarded  as  an  important  factor  in  the  position. 
Above  all,  these  four  Powers  represent  the  for- 
eign trade  interests  of  China,  the  proportion 
divided  up  amongst  other  nations  being  so  incon- 
siderable that  it  has  no  such  strong  claims. 

These  four  Powers,  therefore,  have  a moral 
right  to  protect  their  own  interests,  and  the 
ability  to  do  so.  If  they  agreed  to  combine,  not 
for  purely  selfish  motives,  but  to  guarantee  the 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS.  181 

independence  of  China,  and  the  maintenance  of 
a fair  field  and  no  favor  for  all  comers,  who  can 
suppose  that  any  other  Power  could  reasonably 
(or  even  unreasonably)  object.  The  whole  raison 
d’etre  of  such  an  understanding  would  lie  in  the 
fact  that  it  would  be  too  powerful  to  attack,  and 
that  it  could  maintain  the  peace  while  preserving 
the  open  door  to  all.  There  would  be  no  men- 
ace to  other  Powers  in  such  a combination,  be- 
cause the  bond  of  agreement  between  the  con- 
tracting parties  would  be  the  preservation  of  the 
open  door  with  equal  opportunity  for  all.  To 
China  herself  the  Powers  would  prove  friends  in 
need.  By  guaranteeing  her  integrity,  they 
would  give  a new  lease  of  life  to  the  Chinese 
Empire.  They  would  be  entitled  to  ask,  and 
powerful  enough  to  secure,  that  reforms  for  the 
benefit  of  China  and  the  improvement  of  foreign 
trade  should  be  carried  out. 

The  reorganization  of  China’s  finances  and  her 
army  would  enable  her  to  stand  alone  in  the  near 
future.  It  is  not  necessary  to  go  to  Congress  or 
to  the  Imperial  Parliament  to  secure  the  men 
necessary  to  assist  China  to  effect  these  reforms. 
As  long  as  the  four  governments  induced  China 
to  undertake  the  reforms  in  return  for  their  pro- 
tection, men  would  easily  be  secured  from  all  of 


l8  2 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


these  countries,  and  also  from  other  nations,  who 
would  assist  the  Chinese  in  building  up  their 
Empire  on  more  stable  foundations. 

The  moral  and  political  support  of  China  by 
the  four  Powers  I have  named  is  all  that  is  needed. 
They  need  not  expend  a single  shilling,  or  move 
a single  man,  officially,  in  order  to  carry  it  out. 
All  that  is  required  is  that  China  shall  be  assisted, 
and,  in  return  for  such  assistance,  shall  employ 
foreigners  of  all  countries  who  will  reorganize 
her  army  and  her  finances,  on  as  sound  lines  as 
the  Imperial  Maritime  Customs  of  China  is  estab- 
lished. 

Observation  of  recent  events  teaches  us  that,  if 
we  continue  to  leave  China  to  herself  without 
recuperative  power  from  within,  or  firm  and 
determined  assistance  from  without,  her  ultimate 
disintegration  is  only  a question  of  time.  The 
reforms  which  are  urgently  required  in  China, 
both  for  the  benefit  of  that  Empire  and  its  people, 
and  for  the  development  of  the  trade  of  friend- 
ly nations,  may  be  shortly  summarized  as  fol- 
lows : 

1.  The  appointment  of  a foreign  Financial 
Adviser  to  direct  the  administration  and  collec- 
tion of  internal  revenue. 

2.  The  reform  of  currency,  so  as  to  afford 
a more  stable  exchange. 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS. 


183 


3.  The  establishment  and  centralization  of 
mints. 

4.  The  abolition  of  the  present  octroi  and  likin 
charges  on  goods  which  have  already  paid  duty 
at  the  ports.  In  return  for  this,  China  should  be 
allowed  to  increase  her  present  tariff.  Trade 
would  not  be  damaged  so  much  by  slightly  in- 
creased taxation,  as  it  is  injured  and  hindered 
by  the  delays  and  uncertainties  of  the  present  fiscal 
system. 

5.  The  re-arrangement  of  the  salt  monopoly, 
and  general  administrative  reform. 

6.  The  establishment  and  maintenance  of  a 
proper  military  and  police,  capable  of  affording 
that  protection  to  which  the  foreign  merchant  is 
entitled  for  himself  or  his  goods. 

7.  The  opening  up  of  the  country  and  its  re- 
sources, by  giving  greater  facilities  to  native  or 
foreign  capital  in  the  development  of  the  minerals 
of  the  country,  and  improvements  in  the  lines  of 
communication,  including  postal  and  telegraphic 
reforms. 

8.  The  right  of  residence  in  the  interior  to  be 
conceded  to  foreigners. 

9.  The  promotion  of  all  reforms  and  the  intro- 
duction of  all  changes  which  are  likely  to  promote 
the  cause  of  civilization  and  the  well-being  of  the 
Chinese  people. 


184 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Such  a coalition  as  that  of  the  four  great  trad- 
ing Powers  I have  mentioned  could  obtain  these 
reforms  with  advantage  to  themselves,  and  benefit 
to  China,  and  indeed  the  trading  world. 

In  a very  few  years,  with  this  assistance  loyally 
rendered,  China  would  have  an  army  capable  of 
protecting  herself,  as  long  as  she  retained  the 
foreign  officers.  The  idea  that  the  Chinese  are 
not  good  soldiers  is  a great  mistake.  I was  per- 
mitted to  inspect  most  of  the  armies,  and  all  of 
the  forts  and  arsenals  of  China,  as  will  be  seen 
by  the  detailed  accounts  in  my  Report,  and  I am 
convinced  that,  properly  armed,  disciplined,  and 
led,  there  could  be  no  better  material  than  the 
Chinese  soldier.  I leave  it  to  the  commercial 
classes  of  the  United  States  to  say  whether  it  is 
not  worth  their  while  to  incur  such  slight  risks 
for  such  great  profit,  and  for  so  good  an  object. 

On  sound  business  lines  this  policy  appeals  to 
the  American  nation ; but,  in  addition  to  that,  are 
we  going  to  let  this  opportunity  slip  of  drawing 
the  two  Anglo-Saxon  nations  together  for  the 
cause  of  civilized  progress,  and  the  benefit  of  the 
world  at  large  ? Great  nations  have  great  respon- 
sibilities, to  which  they  must  be  true,  and  when 
those  responsibilities  and  self-interest  go  hand  in 
hand,  it  would  be  unwise  to  miss  the  opportunity. 

Events  are  moving  very  rapidly  in  the  Far 


CHINA  AND  THE  POWERS.  185 

East.  A decision  must  be  arrived  at,  and  action 
of  some  sort  taken  very  soon.  It  is  the  duty  of 
Great  Britain  to  lead,  and  I believe  that  the 
United  States  will  not  refuse  to  follow,  but  that 
both  nations  will  combine  to  hoist  aloft  the  banner 
of  civilization  and  industrial  progress,  for  the 
benefit  of  their  own  people,  as  well  as  for  the 
benefit  of  China,  and  of  the  world. 

Charles  Beresford. 


MUTUAL  HELPFULNESS  BETWEEN 
CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED 
STATES. 


MUTUAL  HELPFULNESS  BETWEEN 
CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED 
STATES. 

Trade,  which  lies  at  the  foundation  of  inter- 
national intercourse,  has  an  eminently  selfish 
origin.  It  is  a constant  manoeuvre  on  the  part  of 
men  to  sell  dear  and  buy  cheap.  Since  each  party 
in  a commercial  transaction  seeks  only  his  own 
advantage,  it  was  for  a long  time  thought  that 
one  of  them  could  gain  only  at  the  expense  of  the 
other.  Thus  the  “ mercantile  system,”  which  for 
centuries  held  Europe  spellbound,  made  gold- 
getting the  end  and  aim  of  all  commercial  activi- 
ties. The  promotion  of  friendly  relations  with 
the  object  of  securing  an  exchange  of  benefits  was 
not  considered  of  even  secondary  importance. 
Then  came  the  navigation  laws  which  had  for 
their  avowed  purpose  the  crippling  of  all  rival 
shipping  by  laying  a heavy  tax  upon  the  carrying- 
trade  of  foreigners.  Though  such  measures  are 
no  longer  considered  advisable  in  the  commercial 


igo  THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 

world,  their  baleful  effects  are  still  felt  in  the 
political  thought  of  the  present  time. 

Nations  now  enter  into  friendly  relations  with 
each  other  because  it  is  believed  that  both  sides 
are  benefited  by  such  relations.  Their  transactions 
cannot  be  one-sided  affairs,  for  the  simple  reason 
that  it  takes  two  to  make  a bargain.  If  one  party 
is  dissatisfied  with  the  arrangement,  the  other 
party  will  not  long  have  an  opportunity  to  enjoy 
its  benefits. 

Confucius  was  once  asked  for  a single  word 
which  might  serve  as  a guiding  principle  through 
life.  “ Is  not  reciprocity  such  a word?”  answered 
the  great  sage.  “ What  you  do  not  want  done 
to  yourself,  do  not  do  to  others.”  This  is  the 
“ Golden  Rule”  which  should  govern  the  relations 
of  man  to  man.  It  is  the  foundation  of  society. 
It  lies  at  the  bottom  of  every  system  of  morality, 
and  every  system  of  law.  If  it  holds  good  with 
respect  to  individuals,  it  ought  to  hold  good  with 
respect  to  nations,  which  are  but  large  aggrega- 
tions of  individuals.  Therefore,  if  permanent 
relations  are  to  be  established  between  two  na- 
tions, reciprocity  must  be  the  key-note  of  every 
arrangement  entered  into  between  them. 

Having  recognized  this  great  principle  of  inter- 
national intercourse,  how  shall  we  apply  it  to  the 
case  of  China  and  the  United  States  in  such 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  191 


a manner  as  to  result  in  mutual  helpfulness? 
Assuredly,  the  first  thing  to  do  is  to  take  a general 
survey  of  the  situation  and  see  what  are  the 
present  needs  of  each  country.  Then  we  shall 
perceive  clearly  how  each  may  help  the  other  to 
a higher  plane  of  material  development  and  pros- 
perity. 

The  United  States  now  has  its  industrial  ma- 
chinery perfectly  adjusted  to  the  production  of 
wealth  on  a scale  of  unprecedented  magnitude. 
Of  land,  the  first  of  the  three  agents  of  production 
enumerated  by  economists,  the  United  States  is 
fortunately  blessed  with  an  almost  unlimited 
amount.  Its  territory  stretches  from  ocean  to 
ocean,  and  from  the  snows  of  the  Arctic  Circle 
to  the  broiling  sun  of  the  tropics.  Within  these 
limits  are  found  all  the  products  of  soil,  forest 
and  mine  that  are  useful  to  man.  With  respect 
to  labor,  the  second  agent  of  production,  the 
United  States  at  first  naturally  suffered  the  dis- 
advantage common  to  all  new  countries.  But 
here  the  genius  of  the  people  came  into  play  to 
relieve  the  situation.  That  necessity,  which  is 
“ the  mother  of  invention,”  substituted  the  sewing 
machine  for  women’s  fingers,  the  McCormick 
reaper  for  farm  hands,  the  cotton  gin  for  slaves. 
The  efficiency  of  labor  was  thereby  multiplied,  in 
many  cases,  a hundred  fold.  The  ingenious 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


192 

manner  in  which  capital,  the  third  agent  of  pro- 
duction, is  put  to  a profitable  use,  is  equally  char- 
acteristic of  America.  It  is  well  known  that  there 
is  an  enormous  amount  of  capital  in  this  country 
seeking  investment.  Every  one  who  has  a little 
to  invest  wishes  to  obtain  as  large  a return  as 
possible.  Since  competition  reduces  profits,  the 
formation  of  industrial  combinations,  commonly 
called  trusts,  is  for  the  capitalist  the  logical  solu- 
tion of  the  difficulty.  These  enable  the  vast 
amount  of  capital  in  this  country  to  secure  the 
best  results  with  the  greatest  economy.  Whether 
they  secure  “ the  greatest  good  to  the  greatest 
number”  is  another  matter. 

The  development  of  the  resources  of  the  United 
States  by  the  use  of  machinery  and  by  the  com- 
bination of  capital  has  now  reached  a point  which 
may  be  termed  critical.  The  productive  power 
of  the  country  increases  so  much  faster  than  its 
capacity  for  consumption  that  the  demand  of 
a population  of  75,000,000  is  no  sooner  felt  than 
supplied.  There  is  constant  danger  of  over- 
production, with  all  its  attendant  consequences. 
Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  imperative  for 
the  farmers  and  manufacturers  of  the  United 
States  to  seek  an  outlet  for  their  products  and 
goods  in  foreign  markets.  But  whither  shall  they 
turn  ? 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  193 


At  first  sight,  Europe  presents  perhaps  the 
most  inviting  field.  Both  blood  and  association 
point  in  this  direction.  But  here  the  cottons  of 
Lowell  would  have  to  compete  with  the  fabrics 
of  Manchester.  The  silk  manufactures  of  Pater- 
son would  stand  small  chance  of  supplanting  the 
finished  products  of  Lyons.  The  sugar  of  Louisi- 
ana would  encounter  a formidable  rival  in  the 
beet-sugar  of  Germany.  England  could  probably 
better  afford  to  sell  her  coal  and  iron  cheaper  than 
Pennsylvania,  and  Russia  could  supply  European 
markets  with  wheat  and  petroleum  as  well  as 
could  Ohio  and  Indiana.  Competition  would  be 
keen  and  destructive. 

Central  and  South  America  have  as  yet  too 
sparse  a population  for  the  immense  territory  they 
cover  to  meet  the  conditions  of  a market  for 
American  goods.  Some  decades  must  elapse 
before  American  farmers  and  manufacturers  can 
look  to  that  quarter  for  relief. 

But  on  the  other  side  of  the  Pacific  lies  the 
vast  Empire  of  China,  which  in  extent  of  terri- 
tory and  density  of  population  exceeds  the  whole 
of  Europe.  To  be  more  particular,  the  Province 
of  Szechuen  can  muster  more  able-bodied  men 
than  the  German  Empire.  The  Province  of 
Shan-tung  can  boast  of  as  many  native-born  sons 
as  France.  Scatter  all  the  inhabitants  of  Costa 


194 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


Rica  or  Nicaragua  in  Canton,  and  they  would  be 
completely  lost  in  that  city’s  surging  throngs. 
Transport  all  the  people  of  Chile  into  China,  and 
they  would  fill  only  a city  of  the  first  class.  Fur- 
ther comparisons  are  needless.  Suffice  it  to  say 
that  China  has  her  teeming  millions  to  feed  and 
to  clothe.  Many  of  the  supplies  come  from  out- 
side. The  share  furnished  by  the  United  States 
was  considerably  larger  last  year  than  ever  before, 
and  might  be  greatly  increased.  According  to 
the  statistics  published  by  the  United  States  Gov- 
ernment, China  in  1899  took  American  goods 
to  the  value  of  $14,437,42 2,  of  which  amount 
$9,844,565  was  paid  for  cotton  goods.  All 
the  European  countries  combined  bought  only 
$1,484,363  worth  of  American  cotton  manufac- 
tures during  that  same  period.  The  amount  of 
similar  purchases  made  by  the  Central  American 
States  was  $737,259,  by  all  the  South  American 
countries  $2,713,967.  It  thus  appears  that  China 
is  the  largest  buyer  of  American  cotton  goods. 
British  America  comes  next  in  the  list  with  pur- 
chases amounting  to  $2,759,164.  Cotton  cloth 
has  a wide  range  of  uses  in  all  parts  of  the  Chinese 
Empire,  and  it  is  almost  impossible  for  the  supply 
to  equal  the  demand. 

Up  to  the  year  1898,  cotton  goods  and  kerosene 
were  the  only  articles  imported  from  the  United 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  195 


States  in  large  enough  quantities  to  have  a value 
of  over  $1,000,000.  But  I notice  in  the  statistics 
published  by  the  United  States  Government  for 
the  year  1899,  that  manufactures  of  iron  and  steel 
have  also  passed  that  mark.  This  is  due  to  the 
fact  that  China  has  now  begun  in  real  earnest  the 
work  of  building  railroads.  The  demand  for 
construction  materials  is  great.  The  value  of 
locomotives  imported  last  year  from  the  United 
States  was  $732,212. 

Besides  the  articles  mentioned,  there  are  many 
others  of  American  origin,  which  do  not  figure  in 
the  customs  returns  as  such.  These  find  their 
way  into  China  through  adjacent  countries,  espe- 
cially Hongkong.  At  least  three-fourths  of  the 
imports  of  Hongkong,  notably  wheat,  flour  and 
canned  goods,  are  destined  for  consumption  in  the 
Chinese  mainland. 

Such  is  the  present  condition  of  trade  between 
the  United  States  and  China.  That  trade  can  be 
greatly  extended.  Let  the  products  of  American 
farms,  mills  and  workshops  once  catch  the  Chinese 
fancy,  and  America  need  look  no  farther  for  a 
market.  The  present  popularity  of  American 
kerosene  illustrates  the  readiness  of  the  Chinese 
to  accept  any  article  that  fills  a long-felt  want. 
They  have  recognized  in  kerosene  a cheap  and 
good  illuminant,  much  superior  to  their  own 


196 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


nut-oil,  and  it  has  consequently  found  its  way  into 
distant  and  outlying  parts  of  the  Empire  where 
the  very  name  of  America  is  unknown.  Stores 
in  the  interior  now  send  their  agents  to  the  treaty 
ports  for  it.  In  the  same  way,  foreign-made 
candles,  because  cheaper  than  those  of  home 
make,  are  selling  easily  in  China.  I wrould  suggest 
that  American  farmers  and  manufacturers  might 
find  it  to  their  advantage  to  study  the  wants  and 
habits  of  the  Chinese  and  the  conditions  of  trade 
in  China. 

Thus  we  see  that  China  can  give  the  United 
States  a much-needed  market.  What,  on  the 
other  hand,  can  the  United  States  do  for  China? 
Let  us  consider  China’s  stock  of  the  three  requis- 
ites for  the  production  of  wealth — land,  labor 
and  capital. 

The  Chinese  Empire  embraces  a continuous 
territory  which  stretches  over  sixty  degrees  of 
longitude  and  thirty-four  degrees  of  latitude. 
Nature  has  endowed  this  immense  region  with 
every  variety  of  soil  and  climate,  but  has,  how- 
ever, scattered  her  bounties  over  it  with  an  un- 
even hand.  That  portion  which  comprises  the 
eighteen  provinces  of  China  proper,  extending 
from  the  Great  Wall  to  the  China  Sea,  and  from 
the  Tibetan  plateau  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  is  more 
highly  favored  than  the  rest.  Whenever  China 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  Weekly 


CHINESE  MINISTER  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES,  WU  TING-FANG 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  197 


is  mentioned  it  is  generally  this  particular  por- 
tion of  the  Empire  that  is  meant.  On  this  land 
hundreds  of  generations  of  men  have  lived  and 
died  without  exhausting  its  richness  and  fertility. 
There  remains  for  generations  to  come  untold 
wealth  of  nature  lying  hidden  within  the  bowels 
of  the  earth.  The  mines  of  Yunnan,  though  they 
have  for  centuries  supplied  the  government 
mints  with  copper  for  the  coining  of  those  pieces 
of  money  commonly  known  as  cash,  only  await 
the  introduction  of  modern  methods  of  extrac- 
tion to  yield  an  annual  output  as  large  as  that  of 
the  famous  Calumet  and  Hecla  mines.  The  sands 
of  the  Yang-tse,  washed  down  from  the  high- 
lands of  Tibet,  contain  so  much  gold  that  that 
part  of  its  course  as  it  enters  the  Province  of 
Szechuen  is  called  the  River  of  Golden  Sand. 
Much  more  important  than  these,  however,  are 
the  deposits  of  coal  which  underlie  the  surface 
formation  of  every  province.  All  varieties  of 
coal  are  found,  from  the  softest  lignite  to  the 
hardest  anthracite,  and  in  such  quantities  that, 
according  to  the  careful  estimate  of  Baron  Rich- 
tofen,  the  famous  German  traveller  and  geolo- 
gist, the  Province  of  Shansi  alone  can  supply  the 
whole  world  at  the  present  rate  of  consumption 
for  3,000  years.  In  most  cases  beds  of  iron  ore 
lie  in  close  proximity  to  those  of  coal,  and  can 


198 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


hence  be  easily  worked  and  smelted.  In  short, 
the  natural  resources  of  China,  both  in  variety 
and  quantity,  are  so  great  that  she  stands  second 
to  no  other  nation  in  potential  wealth.  To  re- 
duce this  potentiality  to  actuality  is  for  her  the 
most  important  question  of  the  hour.  For  this 
purpose  she  has  an  almost  unlimited  supply  of 
labor  at  her  command. 

Every  village  can  count  its  thousands  of 
laborers,  every  city  its  tens  of  thousands.  Ex- 
perience proves  that  the  Chinese  as  all-round 
laborers  can  easily  distance  all  competitors. 
They  are  industrious,  intelligent  and  orderly. 
They  can  work  under  conditions  that  would  kill 
a man  of  a less  hardy  race;  in  heat  that  would 
suit  a salamander  or  in  cold  that  would  please  a 
polar  bear,  sustaining  their  energies,  through 
long  hours  of  unremitting  toil  with  only  a few 
bowls  of  rice. 

But  have  the  Chinese  sufficient  capital  to  carry 
on  their  industrial  operations?  They  are  a nation 
of  shopkeepers.  What  capital  they  have  is  usu- 
ally invested  in  small  business  ventures.  It  is 
their  instinct  to  avoid  large  enterprises.  Thus, 
the  capital  in  the  country,  though  undoubtedly 
large,  may  be  likened  to  a pile  of  sand  on  the 
beach.  It  has  great  extent,  but  is  so  utterly 
lacking  in  cohesion  that  out  of  it  no  lofty  struc- 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  199 


ture  can  be  built.  Before  China  can  be  really  on 
the  high  road  to  prosperity,  it  must  find  means 
of  fully  utilizing  every  economic  advantage  that 
it  has.  Modern  methods  are  its  greatest  need. 
Here  is  America’s  opportunity. 

The  Yankee  is  never  seen  to  better  advantage 
than  when  experimenting  with  a new  idea  on  a 
colossal  scale.  To  direct  vast  or  novel  enterprises 
is  a perfectly  new  experience  to  the  Chinaman. 
Give  him  a junk  and  he  will  with  ease  ride  out 
the  fiercest  typhoon  that  ever  lashed  the  seas. 
But  give  him  an  ocean  leviathan  of  the  present 
day,  with  its  complicated  engines,  dynamos, 
compasses  and  other  modern  appliances  for  nav- 
igating a ship,  and  he  will  be  truly  “ all  at  sea”  in 
knowing  how  to  handle  it,  even  in  a dead  calm. 

Of  all  public  works,  China  has  most  pressing 
need  of  railroads.  Only  ten  years  ago  it  would 
have  been  difficult  to  convince  one  man  in  ten 
of  the  immediate  necessity  for  the  introduction 
of  railroads  into  all  the  provinces  of  the  Empire. 
To-day  at  least  nine  out  of  every  ten  believe  that 
railroads  ought  to  be  built  as  fast  as  possible. 
This  complete  change  of  public  opinion  within 
so  short  a time  shows  perhaps  better  than  any- 
thing else  how  fast  China  is  getting  into  the 
swing  of  the  world’s  forward  movement.  There 
are  at  present  only  about  400  miles  of  railroad 


200 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


open  to  traffic  throughout  the  whole  country, 
and  all  the  lines  building  and  projected  foot  up 
to  5,000  or  6,000  miles  more.  China  proper 
covers  about  as  many  square  miles  as  the  States 
east  of  the  Mississippi.  Those  States,  with  a 
population  of  50,000,000,  require  100,000  miles 
of  railroad  to  do  their  business.  China,  with  a 
population  eight  times  as  large,  would  naturally 
be  supposed  to  need  at  least  about  an  equal  mile- 
age of  roads  for  her  purposes.  It  would  not  be 
strange  if  the  activity  in  railroad  construction  in 
the  United  States  soon  after  the  Civil  War 
should  find  a parallel  in  China  in  coming  years. 

The  building  of  railroads  in  China  does  not 
partake  of  the  speculative  character  which  at- 
tended the  building  of  some  of  the  American 
roads.  There  are  no  wild  regions  to  be  opened 
up  for  settlement,  no  new  towns  to  be  built  along 
the  route.  Here  is  a case  of  the  railroad  follow- 
ing the  population,  and  not  that  of  the  popula- 
tion following  the  railroad.  A road  built  through 
populous  cities  and  famous  marts  has  not  long 
to  wait  for  traffic.  It  would  pay  from  the  very 
beginning. 

The  first  railroad  in  China  was  built  for  the 
transportation  of  coal  from  the  Kaiping  mines 
to  the  port  of  Taku.  I was  chiefly  instrumental 
in  securing  its  construction.  The  line,  though  in 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  201 


an  out-of-the-way  corner  of  the  Empire,  proved 
so  profitable  from  the  very  start  that  it  was  soon 
extended  to  Tien  Tsin  and  Peking  in  one  direc- 
tion and  to  Shanhaikwan,  the  eastern  terminus 
of  the  Great  Wall,  in  the  other.  Not  long  ago  it 
was  thought  advisable  to  build  a branch  beyond 
Shanhaikwan  to  the  treaty  port  of  Newchwang. 
This  branch  has  been  completed  and  will  soon  be 
opened  to  traffic.  Minister  Conger,  in  a recent 
letter  to  the  State  Department,  says  that  the  road 
now  pays  a dividend  of  14  per  cent,  on  the  whole 
capital  invested,  and  that  when  the  entire  line  is 
open  a dividend  of  30  per  cent,  is  expected.  The 
era  of  railroad  building  in  China  may  be  said  to 
have  just  dawned.  China  desires  nothing  better 
than  to  have  Americans  lend  a hand  in  this  great 
work. 

It  gave  me  great  pleasure  two  years  ago  to 
obtain  for  an  American  company  a concession  to 
build  a railroad  between  Hankow,  the  great  dis- 
tributing centre  of  Central  China,  and  Canton, 
the  great  distributing  centre  of  South  China. 
The  line  is  to  connect  with  the  Lu-Han  line  on 
the  north  and  with  the  Kowloon  line  on  the 
south,  and  throughout  its  whole  length  of  more 
than  900  miles  will  run  through  opulent  cities, 
fertile  valleys  and  cultivated  plains.  The  con- 
struction of  such  a line  by  Americans  through 


202 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  heart  of  China  cannot  fail  to  bring  the  people 
of  the  two  countries  into  closer  relations. 

Besides  railroads,  there  are  other  public  works 
which  China  must  undertake  sooner  or  later. 
Among  them  are  river  and  harbor  improve- 
ments, city  water  supplies,  street  lighting  and 
street  railways.  Owing  to  the  traditional  friend- 
ship between  the  two  countries,  our  people  are 
well  disposed  toward  Americans.  They  are  will- 
ing to  follow  their  lead  in  these  new  enterprises, 
where  they  might  spurn  the  assistance  of  other 
people  with  whom  they  have  been  on  less  friendly 
terms  in  the  past. 

Such  being  the  economic  interdependence  of 
China  and  the  United  States,  what  policy  should 
each  country  pursue  toward  the  other  in  order 
to  gain  the  greatest  good  from  that  relationship? 
In  my  judgment  true  reciprocity  is  impossible 
unless  each  country  has  perfect  confidence  in  the 
other  and  displays  on  all  occasions  a desire  for 
fair  play  and  honest  dealing. 

Now,  reciprocity  demands  the  “ open  door.” 
China  long  ago  adopted  that  policy  in  her  for- 
eign intercourse.  She  has  treaty  relations  with 
all  the  European  Powers,  together  with  the 
United  States,  Brazil,  Peru,  Mexico,  Japan  and 
Korea.  All  these  are  equally  “ favored  nations” 
in  every  sense  of  the  term.  The  Swede  and  the 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  Weekly 

LI  HUNG  CHANG 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  203 


Dane  enjoy  the  same  rights,  privileges,  immuni- 
ties and  exemptions  with  respect  to  commerce, 
navigation,  travel,  and  residence  throughout  the 
length  and  breadth  of  the  Empire  as  are  accorded 
to  the  Russian  or  the  Englishman.  Any  favor 
that  may  be  granted  to  Japan,  for  instance,  at 
once  inures  to  the  benefit  of  the  United  States. 
Indeed,  China  in  her  treatment  of  strangers  with- 
in her  gates  has  in  a great  many  respects  gone 
even  beyond  what  is  required  by  international 
usage.  According  to  the  usual  practice  of 
nations,  no  country  is  expected  to  accord  to  for- 
eigners rights  which  are  not  enjoyed  by  its  own 
subjects  or  citizens.  But  China  has  been  so  long 
accustomed  to  indemnify  foreigners  who  have 
fallen  victims  to  mob  violence  that  she  is  looked 
upon  in  a sense  as  an  insurer  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  all  foreigners  residing  within  her 
borders.  To  such  an  extent  is  this  idea  current 
among  foreigners  in  China  that  some  years  ago 
an  American  missionary  in  the  Province  of 
Shan-tung,  who  happened  to  have  some  articles 
stolen  from  his  house  in  the  night,  estimated  his 
loss  at  $60,  and  actually  sent  the  bill  through  the 
American  Minister  at  Peking  to  the  Foreign 
Office  for  payment.  The  Chinese  tariff  also 
favors  foreigners  resident  in  China  much  more 
than  it  does  the  Chinese  themselves.  Most  ar- 


204 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


tides  imported  for  the  use  of  foreigners  are  on 
the  free  list.  Such  is  the  treatment  which 
Americans  in  common  with  the  subjects  and 
citizens  of  other  foreign  Powers  receive  in  China. 
y Justice  would  seem  to  demand  equal  consid- 
eration for  the  Chinese  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  China  does  not  ask  for  special  favors. 
All  she  wants  is  enjoyment  of  the  same  privileges 
accorded  other  nationalities.  Instead,  she  is 
singled  out  for  discrimination  and  made  the  sub- 
ject of  hostile  legislation.  Her  door  is  wide  open 
to  the  people  of  the  United  States,  but  their  door 
is  slammed  in  the  face  of  her  people.  I am  not 
so  biased  as  to  advocate  any  policy  that  might  be 
detrimental  to  the  best  interests  of  the  people  of 
the  United  States.  If  they  think  it  desirable  to 
keep  out  the  objectionable  class  of  Chinese,  by 
all  means  let  them  do  so.  Let  them  make  their 
immigration  laws  as  strict  as  possible,  but  let  them 
be  applicable  to  all  foreigners.  Would  it  not  be 
fairer  to  exclude  the  illiterate  and  degenerate 
classes  of  all  nations  rather  than  to  make  an  ar- 
bitrary ruling  against  the  Chinese  alone?  Would 
it  not  be  wiser  to  set  up  some  specific  test  of  fit- 
ness, such  as  ability  to  read  intelligently  the 
American  Constitution?  That  would  give  the 
Chinese  a chance  along  with  the  rest  of  the 
world,  and  yet  effectually  restrict  their  immi- 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  205 


gration.  Such  a law  would  be  practically 
prohibitory  as  far  as  all  except  the  best  educated 
Chinese  are  concerned,  for  the  reason  that  the 
written  language  of  the  Chinese  is  so  entirely  dif- 
ferent from  the  spoken  tongue  that  few  of  the 
immigrants  would  be  able  to  read  with  intelli- 
gence such  a work  as  the  American  Constitution. 
Nevertheless,  a law  of  that  kind  would  be  just  in 
spirit  and  could  not  rouse  resentment  in  the  Chi- 
nese breast. 

Since  the  law  and  the  treaty  forbid  the  coming 
of  Chinese  laborers,  I must  do  all  I can  to  re- 
strict their  immigration.  I should,  however,  like 
to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Chinese  Ex- 
clusion Act,  as  enforced,  scarcely  accomplishes 
the  purpose  for  which  it  was  passed.  It  aimed 
to  provide  for  the  exclusion  of  Chinese  laborers 
only,  while  freely  admitting,  all  others.  As  a mat- 
ter of  fact,  the  respectable  merchant,  who  would 
be  an  irreproachable  addition  to  the  population 
of  any  country,  has  been  frequently  turned  back, 
whereas  the  Chinese  high-binders,  the  riffraff  and 
scum  of  the  nation,  fugitives  from  justice  and 
adventurers  of  all  types  have  too  often  effected 
an  entrance  without  much  difficulty.  This  is  be- 
cause the  American  officials  at  the  entrance  ports 
are  ignorant  of  Chinese  character  and  dialects 
and  cannnot  always  discriminate  between  the 


206 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


worthy  and  unworthy.  Rascals  succeed  in  de- 
ceiving them,  while  the  respectable  but  guileless 
Chinese  are  often  unjustly  suspected,  incon- 
veniently detained,  or  even  sent  back  to  China. 
A number  of  such  cases  have  been  brought  to 
my  attention.  It  must  not  be  supposed,  how- 
ever, that  I blame  any  official.  In  view  of 
their  limited  knowledge  of  Chinese  affairs,  it  is 
not  strange  that  the  officials  sometimes  make 
mistakes.  The  Americans  judge  us  wrongly, 
just  as  we  often  misjudge  them.  This  un- 
pleasant state  of  things  is  to  be  deplored,  and  I 
would  suggest  that  difficulties  might  be  avoided, 
if  the  regular  officials,  in  pasing  on  immigrant 
Chinamen,  could  have  the  assistance  of  Chinese 
consuls,  or  people  fitted  by  training  and  expe- 
rience in  China  for  the  discharge  of  such  duties. 

Great  misunderstanding  exists  in  the  United 
States  in  regard  to  Chinese  questions.  There  is 
a current  fear  that  if  all  restrictions  on  Chinese 
immigration  were  removed,  the  United  States 
would  be  flooded  with  my  countrymen.  Inas- 
much as  China  contains  some  400,000,000  in- 
habitants, a wholesale  emigration  would  certainly 
be  a serious  matter  for  the  people  of  the  country 
to  which  they  removed.  But  there  is  no  danger 
of  such  a calamity  befalling  the  United  States. 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  20 7 


Those  who  view  it  with  alarm  only  show  how 
profoundly  ignorant  they  are  of  Chinese  charac- 
ter. One  of  the  most  striking  features  of  the 
conservatism  of  the  Chinese  is  their  absolute 
horror  of  travel,  especially  by  sea.  They  regard 
any  necessity  for  it  as  an  unmitigated  evil.  They 
do  not  often  visit  neighboring  towns,  much  less 
adjoining  provinces  or  foreign  countries.  So 
pronounced  is  their  prejudice  against  travel  that 
until  they  could  be  educated  into  a different 
view,  Chinese  railroads  would  for  the  first  few 
years  have  to  depend  for  their  profits  on  freight 
rates  rather  than  passenger  fares.  To  the  Ameri- 
can or  Englishman,  who  proceeds  to  go  abroad 
as  soon  as  he  has  accumulated  a little  money, 
their  state  of  mind  may  seem  incomprehensible, 
but  it  is  nevertheless  a fact  that  must  be  taken 
into  account. 

How,  then,  is  the  presence  of  so  many  Chinese 
in  America  explained?  By  the  fact  that  some 
forty  years  ago,  when  the  Pacific  Railway  was 
building,  there  was  great  scarcity  of  laborers. 
Agents  went  to  China  and  induced  a consider- 
able number  of  Chinese  to  come  to  this  country 
and  assist  in  the  construction  of  the  railroad. 
After  their  work  was  done  most  of  them  returned 
home,  taking  their  earnings  with  them.  They 


208 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


told  their  relatives  of  the  exceptional  opportuni- 
ties for  making  money  in  this  country,  and  they 
in  turn  decided  to  seek  their  fortunes  here.  Were 
it  not  for  this  circumstance  there  would  be  no 
more  Chinese  in  this  country  than  there  are  in 
Europe,  where  wages  are  also  much  higher  than 
in  China.  As  it  is,  all  who  are  in  the  United 
States  are  from  the  Province  of  Canton  and  they 
come  from  two  or  three  places  only  of  that  one 
province. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  rules  of  international 
intercourse  as  observed  by  Western  nations 
among  themselves  are  not  applicable  to  inter- 
course with  Eastern  nations.  True  it  is  that  the 
people  of  the  East  speak  different  languages  and 
have  different  customs,  manners,  religions,  and 
ways  of  thinking  from  the  people  of  the  West. 
But  the  rule  of  contraries  is  by  no  means  a safe 
guide  through  the  intricacies  of  social  observ- 
ances. By  disregardig  the  common  civilities 
of  life,  which  are  considered  very  important  in 
China,  and  by  assuming  a lofty  air  of  superiority, 
foreigners  frequently  make  themselves  unpopu- 
lar in  China.  Americans  have  the  reputation 
there  of  being  abrupt,  English  dictatorial.  In 
recent  years  competition  in  trade  with  people  of 
other  nationalities  has  reduced  their  profits  and 
forced  them,  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  custom,  to 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  209 


be  more  suave  in  their  manners.  Foreigners  are 
sometimes  guilty  also  of  practising  all  sorts  of 
tricks  upon  the  unsuspecting  natives.  It  should 
be  remembered  that  the  Chinese  standard  of 
business  honesty  is  very  high.  The  “ yea,  yea” 
of  a Chinese  merchant  is  as  good  as  gold.  Not  a 
scrap  of  paper  is  necessary  to  bind  him  to  his 
word.  Friendly  feeling  between  the  people  of 
China  and  those  of  the  United  States  would  be 
greatly  promoted  if  the  Americans  would  always 
remember,  in  whatever  dealings  they  may  have 
with  the  Chinese,  that  “ Honesty  is  the  best  pol- 
icy.” 

I believe  that  the  Western  nations  want  to  treat 
the  people  of  the  Orient  fairly.  It  is  gratifying 
to  see  that  Japan  has  been  able  to  revise  her  ex- 
territorial treaties,  and  it  speaks  well  for  the  fair- 
mindedness  of  England  and  other  countries  that 
they  have  thrown  no  obstacles  in  her  way.  I 
hope  that  the  day  will  soon  come  when  China 
may  follow  in  her  footsteps. 

In  the  meantime  China  observes  with  interest 
that  the  planting  of  the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  the 
Philippine  Islands  will  make  the  United  States 
her  neighbor  in  the  future,  as  she  has  been  her 
friend  in  the  past.  It  is  her  earnest  hope  that  the 
United  States  will  make  no  attempt  to  bar 
Asiatics  from  her  new  shores,  but  that  she  will 


210 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


seize  this  opportunity  to  strengthen  friendly  re- 
lations of  mutual  helpfulness  between  the  two 
countries.  No  other  nation  has  a stronger  claim 
to  the  confidence  of  China  than  has  the  United 
States.  The  very  first  article  of  the  first  treaty 
concluded  between  the  two  nations  provides  that 
there  shall  be  peace  and  friendship  between  them 
and  between  their  people.  Through  a half  cen- 
tury of  intercourse  no  untoward  circumstance 
has  interrupted  those  amicable  relations.  More 
than  once  the  United  States  Government  has  used 
its  good  offices  to  promote  Chinese  interests  and 
welfare.  Nations,  like  individuals,  appreciate  fa- 
vors, and,  like  them  also,  resent  indignities.  The 
sentiment  of  good  will  entertained  by  the  govern- 
ment and  people  of  Chinatoward  the  government 
and  people  of  the  United  States  is  strong  and  pro- 
found because  of  the  long,  unblemished  past,  but 
underneath  it  all  there  is,  I am  sorry  to  say,  a 
natural  feeling  of  disappointment  and  irritation 
that  the  people  of  the  United  States  deal  now  less 
liberally  with  the  Chinese  than  with  the  rest  of 
the  world.  If  the  best  guarantee  of  friendship  is 
self-interest,  surely  the  friendship  of  a nation  of 
400,000,000  people  ought  to  be  worth  cultivat- 
ing. China  does  not  ask  for  much.  She  has  no 
thought  of  territorial  aggrandizement,  of  self- 
glorification  in  any  form.  All  she  wants  is  gentle 


CHINA  AND  THE  UNITED  STATES.  211 


peace,  sweet  friendship,  helpful  exchange  of  ben- 
efits, and  the  generous  application  of  that  Golden 
Rule  which  people  of  all  nations  and  all  creeds 
should  delight  to  follow. 

Wu  Ting- fang. 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A 
OF  CHINA. 


PARTITION 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION 
OF  CHINA. 


In  a previous  number  of  this  Review  * I ven- 
tured to  predict  that  the  dissolution  of  the  Chinese 
Empire  was  inevitable  and  not  remote.  Recent 
events  have  not  diminished  the  probability  of  that 
disruption ; and  however  reluctant  each  Power 
may  be  to  begin  the  process,  the  anti-foreign 
sentiments  of  the  Chinese  masses,  not  less  than 
the  collapse  of  their  government,  will  leave  no 
practical  alternative.  The  world  will  have  to 
prevent  anarchy  in  China,  as  well  as  to  uphold 
the  common  interests  of  humanity  and  civiliza- 
tion. After  proclaiming  to  the  skies  the  super- 
excellence of  the  Open  Door  policy,  the  discovery 
will  be  made  that  the  continued  existence  of  a 
Chinese  Empire  is  not  necessary  for  its  applica- 
tion, and  that  the  states  of  the  world  can  them- 
selves come  to  a mutual  understanding  without 


* North  American  Review  for  March,  1899,  “The  Dis- 
solution of  the  Chinese  Empire.” 


2l6 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  intervention  of  Manchu  Emperor  or  Tsungli- 
Yamen,  to  observe  the  common  fiscal  and  com- 
mercial policy  which  is  illustrated  by  the  phrase 
of  the  “ open  door.”  The  case  of  Central  Africa 
will  be  cited  to  justify  the  summoning  of  a con- 
ference for  the  division  of  spheres,  and  also  for 
the  proclamation  of  the  principles  by  which  the 
Powers  will  regulate  their  conduct  and  action  for 
the  general  good.  The  adoption  of  this  course 
may  come  at  any  moment;  on  the  other  hand,  it 
is  quite  possible  that  an  amelioration  of  the  situa- 
tion in  China  may  lead  to  its  adjournment.  But, 
whether  imminent  or  deferred,  it  is  the  only 
coitrse  that  will  prevent  China  from  falling  under 
the  exclusive  domination  of  Russia,  which  would 
be  the  gravest  menace  for  everybody. 

The  practical  question  which  the  American 
public  has  to  decide,  and  which  I wish  to  invest 
with  some  interest  for  American  readers  is.  What 
will  be  America’s  share  in  a partition  of  China? 
I am  quite  aware  that  there  is  a preliminary  ques- 
tion still  nominally  undecided,  as  to  whether  the 
United  States  should  interest  or  at  all  events 
commit  themselves  in  problems  of  government 
and  conquest  beyond  the  limits  of  their  conti- 
nent. Very  few  American  citizens  are  not  asking 
themselves  the  question,  Can  we  wisely,  or  even 
possibly,  depart  from  the  Monroe  Doctrine  so 


A FORECAST  OK  THE  PARTITION  OK  CHINA 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  217 


as  to  include  dependencies  and  conquests  in  the 
Republic?  Even  with  regard  to  the  Philippines, 
America’s  by  the  sword,  where  the  task  is  not 
rendered  more  complicated  and  difficult  by  the 
interpolation  of  any  outside  claims  or  influences, 
as  must  be  the  case  in  China,  no  final,  irrevocable 
decision  lias  yet  been  taken  toward  laying  the 
foundation  stone  of  an  American  Colonial  Em- 
pire. However  reluctant  the  American  people 
may  be  to  take  the  plunge  into  the  unknown,  it 
seems  to  the  onlooker  that  they  have  gone  too 
far  to  draw  back  without  loss  of  dignity  and 
self-respect.  They  cannot  make  themselves  a 
party  to  a hollow  and  ephemeral  gift  of  autonomy 
to  the  Philippines,  when  they  must  know  that 
their  withdrawal  would  be  at  once  followed  by  the 
enforcement  of  the  German  pretensions,  which 
they  only  just  anticipated  two  years  ago.  Com- 
mitted to  the  task  of  ending  Spanish  misrule 
in  the  Pacific,  neither  the  timidity  arising  from 
inexperience  in  colonial  administration,  nor  the 
engrossing  pursuit  of  material  prosperity  under 
conditions  which  make  the  United  States  “ the 
spoilt  child  of  Fortune”  among  the  nations,  will 
allow  them  to  take  their  hand  from  the  plough 
till  their  work  is  done.  Nor  can  it  be  supposed 
for  a moment  that  the  people  of  America  will 
voluntarily  decline  to  take  a share  in  the  arrange- 


2l8 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


ment  of  the  affairs  of  China  because  it  presents 
difficulties,  and  must  entail  responsibilities.  The 
modifications  introduced  into  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine for  the  comparatively  small  local  question 
of  the  Philippines  will  have  to  be  enlarged  or 
extended  so  far  as  to  embrace  the  vast,  compli- 
cated and  pregnant  problem  of  China. 

Evidence  of  these  truths  has  already  been 
afforded  in  the  prominent  part  American  diplo- 
macy took  in  obtaining  general  assent  to  the 
theory  of  the  Open  Door,  which  represents  com- 
mon interest  among  all  States  that  will  prove  far 
more  durable  than  the  Chinese  Empire.  The 
enforcement  of  this  principle  has  to  be  provided 
for,  not  merely  during  the  uncertain  life  of  the 
existing  Chinese  administration,  but  also  under 
the  far  more  onerous  conditions  that  will  come 
into  force  when  it  has  disappeared.  Something 
far  more  definite  and  binding  than  the  promises 
given  to  Mr.  Conger  will  be  needed  to  keep  ambi- 
tious potentates  and  aggressive  cabinets  in  the 
straight  path  of  tolerance  for  others.  The  United 
States  have  made  a formal  and  emphatic  state- 
ment as  to  what  they  expect  from  other  govern- 
ments. They  have  demanded  unrestricted  trade 
privileges  and  freedom,  the  whole  of  China  is  to 
be  free  from  prohibitive  duties,  and  all  the  Treaty 
Powers  are  to  enjoy  equal  rights  and  the  same 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  219 


tariff.  The  assent  given  to  these  demands,  under 
one  set  of  circumstances,  is  not  to  be  ignored  or 
put  aside  because  new  conditions  have  super- 
vened. But  to  keep  it  in  force  will  require  far 
more  vigorous  action  than  was  expected  when 
“ the  open  door”  first  became  a popular  phrase. 
It  will  not  be  enough  for  the  United  States 
Government  to  express  a hope  or  a wish,  to 
qualify  its  military  preparations  with  a declara- 
tion that,  in  no  eventuality,  are  they  intended  for 
war,  or  to  leave  England  to  bear  alone  the  stress 
and  heat  of  the  day.  The  United  States  took  an 
honorable  lead  in  the  process  of  arranging  the 
Chinese  question  through  Mr.  Conger’s  despatch. 
They  cannot  back  out  of  the  whole  business 
because  events  have  moved  with  unexpected  celer- 
ity, or  because  dark  clouds  appear  on  the  political 
horizon.  They  must  see  the  game  out,  whether 
it  has  to  be  played  on  the  green  cloth  of  diplomacy 
or  “ the  ensanguined  field  of  Mars.”  A regretful 
glance  backward  is  permissible,  but  the  Ameri- 
can people  have  crossed  the  Rubicon  of  imperial 
responsibility. 

Having  done  so,  they  must  equip  themselves 
so  that  they  may  meet  these  new  obligations  with 
a dignity  and  skill  worthy  of  their  name  and 
power ; and  the  point  which  I expressly  wish  to 
bring  before  them  is  that  they  should  supplement 


220 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


the  accepted  theory  of  the  Open  Door  with  a 
policy  that  will  take  its  place  at  the  approaching 
critical  moment,  and  that  will  second  England’s 
efforts  to  prevent  Russia’s  obtaining  the  pre- 
ponderance in  China.  The  Open  Door  theory 
possesses  obvious  recommendations,  and  it  will 
continue  to  serve  as  a connecting  bond  between 
the  governments  when  China  has  been  broken 
into  fragments.  But  its  chances  of  future,  prac- 
tical value  depend  on  the  acquisition  by  those 
who  advocate  it  of  adequate  territorial  jurisdic- 
tion, or  rather  of  spheres  of  influence  in  the  future 
partition  of  China.  Unless  this  precautionary 
measure  is  taken,  it  may  reasonably  be  feared  that 
the  Open  Door  theory  will  be  exploded,  to  the  loss 
and  confusion  of  those  who  may  have  clung  to  it 
too  long.  Therefore,  wisdom  dictates  that  delib- 
erately and  in  good  time  each  of  the  great  Powers 
should  indicate  and  claim  what  it  considers  would 
be  its  best  sphere  of  influence  and  responsibility 
in  a partition  of  China.  The  claim  might  not 
have  to  be  enforced  for  a long  time,  if  at  all;  as 
the  work  to  be  accomplished  in  China  should  be 
rather  of  a constructive  than  a destructive  char- 
acter. Each  Power  would  accept  the  responsibility 
of  maintaining  order,  security  and  freedom  of 
trade,  besides  other  treaty  rights,  within  its 
sphere ; and,  in  the  first  place,  there  would  be  little 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  221 


or  no  interference  with  the  existing  Chinese 
administration  or  system  of  laws.  Partition 
would  not  necessarily  mean  conquest,  and  it  is 
probable  that  the  Chinese  themselves  would 
create,  with  very  little  guidance  or  direction,  ad- 
ministrations that  would  suffice  for  all  practical 
purposes  and  render  any  conquest  unnecessary. 
The  work  that  has  to  be  done  in  China  is  creative 
and  restorative.  A better  feeling  toward  foreign- 
ers bas  to  be  evoked,  and  something  like  ordinary 
honesty  and  efficiency  has  to  be  restored  to 
Chinese  government. 

The  task,  even  in  its  most  restricted  sense,  is 
too  big  to  be  entrusted  to  any  single  State.  There 
are,  indeed,  only  two  States  which  would  seri- 
ously think  of  undertaking  it  with  a general 
mandate,  or  in  pursuit  of  their  own  separate 
ambitions.  They  are  Russia  and  Japan;  and  to 
neither  could  the  rest  of  the  world  safely  entrust 
the  disciplining  of  China’s  millions,  and  their 
absorption  in  the  systems  of  those  two  aggressive 
Empires.  England,  but  only  with  America’s  co- 
operation, might  have  the  strength  to  bring  the 
work  to  a successful  ending  for  the  common  good, 
but  she  has  not  the  will.  Public  opinion  in  Eng- 
land would  regard  as  a madman  the  individual 
who  would  suggest  adding  the  burden  of  a Chi- 
nese Empire  to  that  already  borne  in  India  and 


222 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


South  Africa.  It  will  support  a compromise,  a 
postponement  of  responsibility  in  the  Far  East, 
as  long  as  possible ; and,  when  it  finds  that  a deci- 
sion must  be  taken,  the  widest  range  of  its  action 
will  be  within  the  sphere  which  has  already  been 
denoted  as  belonging  to  British  interests.  There 
is  no  want  of  sincerity  in  the  timely  decision  to 
supplement  the  adhesion  to  the  Open  Door  prin- 
ciple with  the  formation  of  a clear  and  definite 
plan  to  make  the  phrase  a reality  in  the  part  of 
China  which  is  essential  to  Pan-English  trade. 
That  plan  has  been  adopted  with  greater  vague- 
ness and  uncertainty  than  the  importance  of  the 
matter  and  the  perils  of  the  hour  demand,  but  still 
with  sufficient  clearness  so  long  as  the  heart  of  the 
Empire  beats  true.  The  Yang-tse  Valley  has 
been  declared  a British  reservation,  and  the  state- 
ment has  received  solemn  indorsement  by  appear- 
ing in  a Blue  Book.  As  all  the  world  knows,  it 
does  not  depend  on  the  official  imprimature;  its 
value  is  bound  up  in  English  naval  superiority 
England  is  not  the  only  Power  that  has  defined, 
so  far  as  words  go,  a sphere  of  influence.  France 
has  acted  similarly  in  southern  China,  where, 
with  greater  precision  but  less  powTer,  she  has 
laid  claim  to  the  provinces  of  Kwangsi,  Kwei- 
chow and  part,  if  not  the  whole,  of  Yunnan.  It 
is  unnecessary  for  the  moment  to  inquire  how 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  223 

far  that  claim  violates  the  reversionary  rights  of 
India  in  the  hinterland  of  Burmah.  In  the  same 
way_as  France  has  done,  Germany  has  announced 
that  she  regards  the  Province  of  Shan-tung  as 
specially  appertaining  to  her,  and  the  theory  of 
“the  hinterland”  is  one  that  the  countrymen 
of  Prince  Bismarck  know  how  to  work  for  all 
it  is  worth.  The  German  appetite  is  so  good  that, 
in  any  partition  of  China,  one  province  would 
scarcely  suffice  to  satisfy  it.  Japan  also,  with  one 
paw  over  on  Corea,  claims  the  Province  of 
Fuhkien  and  its  admirable  port  of  Fuchow.  Italy 
will  not  resign  her  hopes  of  Sanman  Bay,  Austria 
has  still  to  be  satisfied,  and  Belgium  will  claim 
a “ neutral”  port,  or  settlement  perhaps,  at  Han- 
kow, as  a mode  of  adjusting  some  future  Anglo- 
Russian  difference.  All  these  Powers  have  more 
or  less  clearly  announced  their  expectations  that 
a certain  piece  of  Tom  Tiddler’s  ground  is  to  fall 
to  their  share.  Two  States  alone  have  held  back 
from  making  any  similar  declarations,  Russia  and 
America,  but  from  very  different  motives.  Russia 
regards  as  her  sphere  the  territory  covered  by  her 
Cossacks,  and  the  watchword  of  her  extreme 
representatives  is  that  the  whole  of  China,  and 
indeed  of  Asia,  is  to  fall  to  her  share.  With  such 
views,  the  definition  of  a sphere  in  any  circum- 
scribed portion  of  China  would  be  useless. 


224 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


America  has  not  defined  a sphere  of  influence 
or  action,  because  she  has  not  long  approached 
the  consideration  of  the  subject  with  any  serious 
intention  of  taking  part  in  its  settlement.  Recent 
events  have  had  much  to  do  with  any  decision 
she  may  have  formed  or  be  in  process  of  forming ; 
and,  for  a time,  the  belief  in  the  Open  Door 
panacea  may  have  encouraged  the  hope  that  no 
more  definite  or  committing  step  need  be  taken 
than  to  call  upon  the  governments  to  subscribe  to 
an  admirable  general  principle.  The  extraordi- 
nary outbreak  of  animosity  in  China  against  all 
foreigners,  accompanied  by  the  collapse  of  the 
existing  government,  so  far  at  least  as  the  dis- 
charge of  its  responsible  functions  goes,  has  dis- 
pelled these  expectations,  and  brings  home  to 
everybody  the  need  of  prompt  and  strenuous 
action.  While  it  is  tolerably  clear  what  direction 
the  plans  of  other  Powers  will  take,  over  and 
beyond  the  assertion  and  enforcement  of  certain 
common  rights  and  principles  which  none  of  them 
is  yet  disposed  to  see  broken  or  destroyed  in 
China,  the  plans  of  the  United  States  are  still 
shrouded  in  darkness,  because  they  have  not,  as 
a matter  of  fact,  been  formed.  The  time  has 
arrived,  however,  when  a decision  cannot  wisely 
be  any  longer  deferred,  because  the  area  of  un- 
appropriated, or  rather  unclaimed,  sphere  in 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  225 


China  is  rapidly  diminishing  and  may  soon  dis- 
appear. Of  course,  there  is  no  need  for  a decision 
if  the  United  States  are  content  to  play  the  passive 
part  of  a mere  looker-on  in  the  settlement  of  the 
Chinese  question,  and  to  limit  their  diplomatic 
action  to  the  enunciation  of  admirable  platitudes. 
But  they  can  only  stultify  themselves  in  China  at 
the  cost  of  future  losses  and  even  dangers ; for,  in 
the  evolution  of  the  Chinese  people  is  wrapped 
up  the  destinies  of  the  human  race. 

Taking  the  more  natural  view  of  what  Ameri- 
ca’s policy  will  have  to  be,  and  assuming  that  she, 
like  other  Powers,  will  have  to  supplement  her 
support  of  the  general  principle  of  the  Open  Door 
with  a claim  to  a definite  sphere  in  China,  the 
practical  question  follows,  What  and  where  is 
that  sphere  to  be?  The  diminishing  area  avail- 
able renders  a prompt  decision  necessary,  for 
America  may  find  herself  supplanted  by  other 
contestants.  Speaking  practically,  there  are  only 
two  areas  on  the  extensive  seaboard  of  China  left 
available  that  would  suffice  in  themselves  to  meet 
America’s  claims  and  legitimate  expectations. 
They  are,  first,  the  Province  of  Chekiang,  with 
the  ports  of  Ningpo  and  Hangchow,  the  famous 
Kincsay  of  Marco  Polo ; and,  secondly,  the  north- 
ern part  of  the  Province  of  Kwangtung,  with  the 
port  of  Swatow,  to  which  might  be  added,  by 


226 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


arrangement  with  Japan,  Amoy,  across  the  fron- 
tier of  Fuhkien.  There  would  be  some  disadvan- 
tages in  encroaching  on  a different  province,  and 
if  America  would  accept  the  responsibility  for 
Canton,  there  would  be  no  necessity  to  claim 
Amoy,  which  would  thus  be  left  in  the  Japanese 
sphere.  The  opinion  may  be  hazarded  that  the 
Province  of  Chekiang  represents  the  preferable 
American  sphere.  It  is  more  compact,  and  the 
immediate  responsibilities  would  not  be  such  as 
to  deter  or  discourage  American  administrators 
on  the  threshold  of  their  task.  Canton  itself  repre- 
sents the  most  difficult  separate  problem  in  China, 
because  it  is  a focus  of  anti-foreign  animosity 
and  of  perhaps  the  greatest  ruffianism  in  the 
whole  country.  The  Power  accepting  responsi- 
bility of  the  Kwangtung  Province  will,  sooner  or 
later,  have  to  deal  with  it. 

When  the  question  as  to  what  America’s  sphere 
in  China  should  be  first  presented  itself  to  my 
mind,  the  most  attractive  form  seemed  to  be  a 
joint  Anglo-American  sphere,  because  it  could 
have  embraced  a larger  part  of  China,  and  thus 
present  a national  form  of  government  south  of 
the  Yellow  River  (Hwang-ho).  But  America 
has  held  back  too  long,  and  opinion  is  too  much 
divided  in  the  States  to  render  such  a project 
practicable.  The  enormously  preponderant  inter- 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  227 


ests  of  England  in  China  render  it  impossible 
for  her  to  delay  her  measures  for  the  convenience 
of  any  one  else,  or  to  subordinate  her  policy  to 
the  movements  and  intentions  of  any  other  Power. 
An  Anglo-American  sphere  would  be  an  ideal 
arrangement;  but,  unfortunately,  American  opin- 
ion is  not  sufficiently  pronounced  at  this  moment 
to  render  it  practicable.  We  must,  therefore,  fall 
back  on  the  separate  sphere  for  America,  which, 
practically  speaking,  can  only  be  established  in 
two  quarters.  The  first  step  in  the  claim  of  a 
sphere  is  easy  and  surprisingly  simple.  The 
United  States  Government,  like  the  German,  the 
Japanese,  the  French  and  the  English  Govern- 
ments before  it,  makes  the  announcement  that  it 
regards,  let  me  say,  the  Province  of  Chekiang 
as  its  sphere.  The  statement  is  duly  noted.  No- 
body protests,  nobody  applauds,  yet  on  Time’s 
iron  tablets  every  one  knows  that  an  important 
notch  has  been  made.  America  will  then  have 
left  the  benches  to  enter  the  arena. 

Having  denoted  the  sphere,  America  becomes 
an  active  partner  with  the  other  Powers  in  the 
regulation  of  the  Chinese  question,  and  she  com- 
mits herself  to  the  specific  task  of  doing  what 
good  government,  security  of  life  and  trade  de- 
mand in  her  sphere.  How  it  is  to  be  done  is 
a question  for  the  future  and  also  for  each  gov- 


228 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


eminent  to  settle  according  to  its  own  lights.  The 
preliminary  stage  of  study  and  investigation  will 
probably  prove  one  of  many  years,  and  in  some 
of  the  spheres  active  intervention,  in  any  other 
form  than  advice  and  possibly  admonition,  would 
never  become  necessary.  A partition  of  China  in 
the  manner  indicated  does  not  necessarily  imply 
its  conquest.  It  signifies,  primarily,  the  easier 
treatment  of  a vast  subject,  by  its  subdivision 
among  a number  of  interested  parties  or  States. 
It  also  signifies  for  the  rest  of  the  world  that  no 
single  State  shall  be  permitted  to  develop  and 
utilize  the  latent  strength  and  resources  of  China 
for  its  own  purposes  and  policy.  The  policy  of 
partition  among  spheres  of  interest  and,  if  neces- 
sary, of  action  may  be  described  as  one  of  precau- 
tion and  vigilance.  By  directly  interesting  the 
great  body  of  the  Powers  in  the  work,  a policy  of 
assurance  may  be  considered  to  have  been  taken 
out  against  the  undue  aggrandizement  of  any  one 
of  them.  When  the  governments  announce  that 
they  are  directly  interested  in  what  happens  or 
has  to  be  done  at  one  spot,  they  will  watch  more 
closely  what  is  being  done  at  other  spots,  lest  it 
should  encroach  on  their  rights  or  prove  the  har- 
binger of  peril  to  the  common  interest  and  weal. 
It  is  a partition  of  interest,  interference  and  con- 
trol to  which  the  world  is  being  invited  in  China, 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  229 


and  not  of  conquest.  The  present  events,  however 
they  turn  out,  must  prove  fatal  to  the  existing 
Chinese  Government.  The  period  of  hoodwinking 
by  the  Tsungli-Yamen  must  be  ended,  as  well  as 
that  of  irresponsibility  among  the  officials  with 
whom  we  have  to  conduct  business.  Whether  the 
Chinese  authority  be  an  Emperor  or  a Viceroy, 
it  must  be  clear,  first,  that  he  understands  the 
rights  of  those  who  are  in  treaty  relations  with 
his  country  and  possess  formally  conceded  privi- 
leges ; and,  secondly,  that  he  has  the  power  as  well 
as  the  will  to  perform  his  part  of  the  transaction. 
He  may  pity  the  ill-starred  and  well-meaning 
young  Emperor,  Kwang-hsu,  but  we  cannot 
safely  regard  him  as  the  deus  ex  machind  who  is 
to  save  the  situation.  And  if  Kwang-hsu  is  not 
possible,  then  it  may  reasonably  be  doubted 
whether  any  other  member  of  the  present  ruling 
Manchu  family  would  be  eligible.  For  it  cannot 
be  overlooked  that  the  present  outbreak  has  been 
mainly  due  to  the  Manchu  element  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  to  the  bitter  and  implacable  hostility 
of  the  princes  of  the  reigning  House.  It  almost 
looks  as  if  the  Tartans,  believing  their  supremacy 
to  be  menaced  between  the  demands  of  the  foreign 
Powers  and  the  propagandum  of  the  native  Chi- 
nese Reform  Movement,  had  decided  to  enter 
upon  a life  and  death  struggle  with  the  foreign 


230 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


devils,  in  the  hope  of  expelling  them  forever  and 
thus  saving  their  own  position.  To  entertain 
such  a scheme  reveals  no  doubt  extreme  igno- 
rance, but  all  the  available  evidence  before  the 
Boxer  outbreak  pointed  to  the  conclusion  that 
nothing  had  been  learnt  at  Peking;  and  those  in 
diplomatic  relations  with  the  Chinese  reported, 
after  Li  Hung  Chang’s  return  from  Europe,  that 
both  he  and  the  Dowager  Empress  had  become 
more  reactionary  than  ever.  Among  the  princes, 
ministers  and  diplomatists  of  the  existing  rotten 
regime  in  China  there  are  none  capable  of  form- 
ing a new,  sound  administration.  They  are  more 
than  incapable;  they  are  not  even  willing. 

Whatever  chance  of  internal  reform  there  may 
be  in  China  must  be  sought  for  in  a different 
direction,  and  new  men  can  alone  supply  the 
material  out  of  which  a reformed  administration 
can  be  constructed.  That  such  men  are  to  be 
found  cannot  be  doubted ; and  the  example  of 
Kang-yu-wei  is  encouraging  for  those  who  believe 
that,  amid  the  chaos  of  Chinese  affairs,  and  the 
catastrophes  still  awaiting  the  ancient  system  of 
their  race,  the  Chinese  will  themselves  be  able, 
with  some  external  assistance  and  direction,  to 
restore  order  in  their  own  household  in,  say,  the 
next  half  century.  They  have  the  old  Confucian 
dictum  that  “ after  long  union  must  come  dis- 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  231 


union,  and  after  that  again  will  be  reunion,” 
and  they  know  that  seven  centuries  have  elapsed 
since  the  Middle  Kingdom  was  divided  between 
the  Lungs  and  the  Kins,  and  that  before  them 
the  subdivision  of  the  country  into  several  king- 
doms was  no  uncommon  feature  in  its  history. 
The  fact  that  daunts  foreigners  in  prescribing  for 
the  Sick  Man  of  the  Far  East,  viz.,  that  he  may  go 
to  pieces  under  treatment,  has  no  terrors  for  a 
Chinese  reformer,  who  knows  that  the  provinces 
could  be  grouped  into  kingdoms,  and  that  any 
amelioration  of  the  situation  must  first  be  local 
and  progressive  before  it  becomes  general  and 
national.  If  thoughtful  and  instructed  Chinese 
were  taken  as  counsellors  by  the  foreigners  in 
each  of  the  spheres,  their  advice  would  be  to  inter- 
fere as  little  as  possible  with  the  fabric  of  the 
existing  administration,  and  indeed  to  restrict  all 
interference  at  first  to  restraining  the  corruption 
of  the  officials,  controlling  the  revenue  and  expen- 
diture, and  softening  the  cruel  penal  code.  These 
changes  would  be  so  popular  that  little  or  no 
coercion  would  be  needed  to  give  them  effect.  The 
direct  responsibility  incurred  by  the  partitioning 
Powers  would  be  far  less  than  is  thought,  and  the 
task  that  seems  so  formidable  at  a distance  might, 
on  closer  inspection,  prove  exceedingly  light. 
That  it  is  a task  for  the  good  of  the  world  cannot 


232 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


be  doubted,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that  sooner 
or  later  the  Powers  will  have  to  take  it  in  hand. 
What  is  not  so  certain,  for  the  moment,  is  whether 
the  United  States  will  lend  a hand  in  the  work,  or 
stand  aloof. 

This  uncertainty  brings  us  back  to  the  question 
with  which  we  started,  “ Where  and  what  Ameri- 
ca’s share  in  a partition  of  China  is  to  be.”  A 
decision  on  the  question  cannot  be  safely  deferred. 
The  area  left  open  is  diminishing,  the  number 
of  competitors  is  increasing,  and  those  who  face 
the  responsibility  before  all  the  Treaty  Powers  in 
China  will  not  show  any  consideration  for  those 
who  shirk  it,  when  the  rewards  have  to  be  divided. 
The  responsibility  is  not  adequately  faced  by 
declarations  in  support  of  an  Open  Door,  when 
the  mansion  behind  it  is  in  flames.  The  period 
when  Mr.  Conger’s  despatch  was  the  feature  of 
the  question  is  quite  recent  in  point  of  time,  but 
it  is  already  ancient  history.  A momentous  deci- 
sion has  to  be  taken,  and  that  within  a brief 
period,  as  to  whether  America  will  participate  in 
the  imminent  disruption  of  the  Chinese  Empire. 
Her  standing  out  will  not  prevent  the  contingency, 
which  may  be  pronounced  inevitable;  but  it  will 
somewhat  alter  the  form  in  which  the  problem 
will  present  itself  for  solution.  It  will  be  a form 
more  unfavorable  and  more  onerous  for  England, 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  233 


the  champion  of  the  Open  Door  under  all  circum- 
stances, and  the  abstention  of  the  United  States 
will  encourage  not  only  Russia,  but  France  and 
Germany  also,  to  make  their  spheres  exclusive  to 
outside  trade  and  special  reserves  for  their  own. 
The  consequences  of  this  shrinking  from  honor- 
able responsibility  at  the  psychological  moment 
for  action  must  be  felt  by  America  herself,  not 
so  much,  perhaps,  in  the  immediate  present  as  in 
the  future;  but  I will  not  obscure  the  fact  that 
it  must  also  prove  very  injurious  to  England, 
who  is  in  special  need  at  this  moment  of  moral 
support  and  backing.  She  has  to  face  the  open 
rivalry  of  Russia,  the  secret  rancor  of  France  and 
the  very  questionable  good  faith  of  Germany. 
The  alliance  of  Japan  alone  is  not  sufficient  to 
enable  her  to  successfully  confront  so  formidable 
a coalition,  based  on  a common  sentiment  of  jeal- 
ousy and  dislike.  Only  the  hearty  co-operation 
of  America  can  adjust  the  balance,  and  warm  the 
chilled  friendship  of  Germany  into  something 
like  community  of  action. 

The  partition  of  China,  which  recent  events 
have  rendered  practically  certain,  is  not  as  for- 
midable a contingency  as  has  been  imagined, 
provided  that  America  agrees  to  take  her  legiti- 
mate share  in  it.  Far  from  precipitating  the 
arrival  of  Armageddon,  as  some  alarmists  affect 


234 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


to  believe,  it  would  tend  to  peace,  because  separate 
ambitions  have  to  be  subordinated  to  the  general 
opinions  and  wishes  of  the  Powers.  America’s 
abstention  would  alter  the  outlook,  and  the  Conti- 
nental Powers  would  combine  to  squeeze  Eng- 
land, when  war  would  inevitably  follow  for  the 
maintenance  of  her  Empire.  If  she  were  beaten 
by  numbers,  that  dire  event  would  signify  the 
door  more  firmly  closed  than  ever  in  China,  and 
the  United  States  would  be  the  next  mark  of  an 
anti-English  league.  If  she  were  victorious,  there 
would  still  remain  on  the  debit  side  the  cost  and 
sacrifices  of  an  unnecessarily  colossal  struggle, 
due  to  the  abstention  of  America,  with  the  conse- 
quent alienation  of  two  great,  kindred  nations, 
which  acting  together  might  control  and  improve 
the  destinies  of  the  world. 

I hope  I have  made  it  clear  that  the  partition 
policy  in  China  does  not  imply  conquest.  It  would 
be  an  acceptance  of  responsibility,  and  each  part- 
ner would  agree  to  do  a certain  portion  of  work. 
The  governments  having  agreed  among  them- 
selves that  the  only  practical  way  of  dealing  with 
the  Chinese  problem  is  to  subdivide  it  into 
certain  parts  for  each  of  them  to  perform,  would 
in  the  next  place  hold  a conference  for  the  enu- 
meration and  acceptance  of  common  principles  of 
action,  and  for  the  division  of  the  responsibilities 


AMERICA’S  SHARE  IN  A PARTITION.  235 


of  the  defunct  Chinese  Empire.  The  assets  would, 
fortunately,  be  amply  sufficient  to  discharge  them, 
and  to  leave  a good  margin  for  the  future.  Proof 
of  this  may  be  found  in  the  extraordinary  develop- 
ment of  trade  during  the  last  two  years,  despite 
the  reactionary  policy  of  the  Empress  Dowager 
and  her  advisers.  The  first  decisions  formed 
would  no  doubt  be  tentative  and  experimental, 
and  the  permanence  of  any  arrangements  made 
would  very  largely  depend  on  the  amount  of 
co-operation  received  from  Chinese  reformers. 
But  it  would  be  made  clear  to  everybody  that  the 
Powers  had  formed  the  resolution  to  treat  the 
Chinese  question  as  a common  interest,  and  to 
take  timely  steps  to  prevent  the  Yellow  Peril  from 
becoming  a menace  to  them  all.  The  work  in 
which  America  is  asked  to  take  her  share  is  a 
highly  honorable  one,  and  from  the  human  point 
of  view  of  the  deepest  interest.  She  can  only 
refuse  her  co-operation  by  taking  a lower  seat  in 
the  family  of  nations,  who  will  see  in  her  absten- 
tion the  selfish  indulgence  of  her  good  fortune 
in  possessing  a position  of  splendid  isolation. 

Demetrius  C.  Boulger. 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA. 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA. 


In  order  that  the  present  crisis  in  China  may 
be  properly  understood,  and  that  our  real  stake — 
the  commercial  and  diplomatic  interests  of  the 
United  States — in  that  far-away  region  may  be 
properly  considered,  a glance  at  the  country,  the 
people  and  the  government  seems  to  be  necessary. 

Fortunately,  China  has  long  since  ceased  to  be 
a land  of  mystery.  From  the  days  of  Marco  Polo 
and  Ibn  Batuta  its  innermost  recesses  have  been 
known  to  the  world.  In  later  years  it  has  been 
more  fully  explored  in  all  directions  by  Jesuits, 
missionaries  and  scientific  travellers.  Its  limits, 
its  physical  conformation  and  its  climate  have 
been  described  with  sufficient  accuracy.  Its  min- 
eral resources,  which  are  of  great  variety  and  vast 
extent,  but  almost  entirely  undeveloped,  have 
aroused  the  interest  and  excited  the  cupidity  of 
foreign  promoters  and  financiers.  Full  details 
and  particulars  can  be  had  from  the  cyclopaedias 
on  all  these  points,  but  a more  specific  reference 


240 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


to  the  area  and  population  of  the  Empire  will 
perhaps  serve  better  than  anything  else  to  arrest 
the  attention  of  this  country  and  its  statesmen  to 
the  enormous  importance  of  the  events  which  are 
now  taking  place  in  the  Far  East. 

China  proper  and  exterior  China,  including  the 
eighteen  densely  populated  provinces  and  the  sur- 
rounding desert  region,  constitute  what  is  known 
as  the  Chinese  Empire.  It  extends  from  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  where  it  has  a coast  line  of  about 
2,500  miles,  to  Central  Asia,  and  covers  an  area 
of  something  over  5,000,000  square  miles,  or 
nearly  one-tenth  of  the  habitable  globe.  Its  popu- 
lation has  never  been  accurately  enumerated,  but 
it  has  been  estimated  variously  from  a fifth  to 
a third  of  all  the  people  in  the  world ! There  may 
be  anywhere  from  three  hundred  to  four  hundred 
millions.  One  guess  is  as  good  as  another,  but 
the  latter  has  the  endorsement  of  Sir  Robert 
Hart,  Commissioner  of  the  Imperial  Maritime 
Customs,  and  may  be  considered  the  more  trust- 
worthy. 

The  average  condition  of  these  people,  as  con- 
trasted with  those  of  Western  nations,  is  one  of 
great  poverty,  though  it  would  be  a mistake  to 
assume  that  they  are  peculiarly  miserable  and 
unhappy,  except  at  times  in  the  region  of  famine, 
which,  from  climatic  conditions,  frequently  pre- 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  241 


vails,  and,  owing  to  great  distances  and  the  lack 
of  railroad  transportation,  can  hardly  ever  be 
relieved  or  mitigated.  Living  almost  entirely  by 
agriculture  and  the  accessory  callings,  the  Chinese 
contribute  but  little  per  capita  to  international 
commerce.  They  are  a remarkably  homogeneous, 
docile,  industrious  and  robust  people,  frugal  and 
kindly  in  their  habits,  with  no  indications  of  ever 
having  been  aggressive  and  warlike  in  temper. 
Belonging  to  the  Turanian  race,  it  is  becoming 
the  fashion  to  designate  them  as  the  “ Yellow 
Peril,”  and  to  conjure  up  harrowing  visions  of 
a devastated  and  ruined  world  when  they  shall 
learn  their  power  and  sally  forth  for  rapine  and 
conquest.  More  than  one  European  writer,  and 
notably  Professor  Pearson,  have  predicted  that 
they  will  yet  dominate  the  earth  by  force  of  arms 
or  ruin  it  by  competition  in  commerce.  Without 
recounting  the  arguments  upon  which  this  opin- 
ion is  based,  it  is  here  sufficient  to  state  that,  so 
far  as  history  shows,  the  Chinese  race  are  about 
as  much  of  a menace  to  the  rest  of  the  world  as 
the  lamb  in  the  fable  was  to  the  wolf. 

Obviously,  this  “ Peril,”  be  it  great  or  small, 
may  be  dismissed  for  the  present  with  the  sugges- 
tion that,  if  the  Chinese  cannot  defend  themselves 
from  a few  thousand  Japanese  “ zvojen”  (or 
dwarfs),  a still  smaller  number  of  Russians,  or 


242 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


a couple  of  German  cruisers,  they  can  hardly  hope 
for  several  generations  to  be  able  to  menace 
seriously  the  rest  of  the  world  as  conquerors. 
When  it  is  further  considered  that  they  have  but 
little  surplus  capital  and  few  if  any  of  the  appli- 
ances of  modern  civilization,  and  have  yet  to 
supply  themselves  altogether  with  railroads,  roll- 
ing mills,  furnaces  and  factories,  and  to  develop 
their  mines  of  coal,  iron,  copper,  lead  and  precious 
metals,  before  they  can  seriously  think  of  satisfy- 
ing their  own  demands  for  manufactured  goods, 
wares,  and  merchandise,  much  less  of  entering 
into  active  competition  with  other  nations,  prac- 
tical statesmen  may  well  dismiss  these  apprehen- 
sions for  the  present.  Yet  China  is  awakening 
from  the  lethargy  of  ages,  and  is  joining  slowly 
but  certainly  in  the  march  of  modern  progress. 
It  must  not  be  forgotten,  however,  that  while  she 
is  moving  her  great  exemplars  will  advance  still 
further.  Her  ancient  and  complete  isolation, 
which  has  hitherto  kept  her  stagnant  in  the  back- 
ground, and  which  was  primarily  due  to  the  wide 
expanse  of  desert,  steppe  and  mountains  separat- 
ing her  from  the  civilized  world  on  the  land  side 
and  to  an  almost  illimitable  waste  of  waters  on 
the  ocean  side,  was  first  broken  seriously  in  upon 
by  the  big  ships  of  modern  days.  The  approach 
and  early  completion  of  the  Trans-Siberian  rail- 


EDWIN  H.  CONGER,  UNITED  STATES  MINISTER  TO  PEKING 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA. 


243 


road  to  Vladivostok,  Port  Arthur,  and  ultimately 
to  Peking,  the  construction  of  trunk  railway 
connections  along  the  principal  trade  routes  of 
the  interior  and  the  multiplication  of  the  great 
steamship  lines  which  already  connect  her  ports 
with  all  parts  of  the  world,  will  surely  at  no  dis- 
tant day  open  her  innermost  recesses  to  the  trade 
and  influence  of  the  more  progressive  nations. 

It  cannot  be  too  frequently  repeated  that  the 
peculiarities  of  civilization  and  government  and 
the  extraordinary  conservatism  of  the  Chinese 
are  mainly  due  to  that  isolation  which  has  re- 
mained unbroken  from  the  beginning  of  time  to 
within  less  than  a half  century,  but  fortunately 
may  now  be  regarded  as  quite  at  an  end  forever. 

If  human  experience  is  of  any  value,  or  has 
any  application  to  this  case,  nothing  can  be  more 
certain  than  that  the  Chinese  must  ultimately 
move  as  all  other  races  and  nations  have  moved. 
They  have  similar  wants,  similar  affections  and 
similar  interests,  and  must  gratify  them  by  means 
similar  to  those  employed  by  other  peoples.  And 
so  it  may  be  safely  assumed  that  when  they  do 
seriously  set  about  the  task  of  bettering  their 
condition  and  improving  their  civilization  and 
government,  they  will  proceed  much  as  other 
people  have  proceeded.  Their  efforts  will  be 
followed  by  success  and  failures  in  the  usual  pro- 


244 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


portions.  They  will  have  the  usual  amount  of 
bright  anticipations  and  bitter  disappointments; 
the  usual  proportion  of  great  men  and  small  ones, 
and  possibly  an  unusual  proportion  of  dishonest 
men  and  scoundrels ; but  withal,  they  are  sure,  if 
left  alone,  and  possibly  if  not  left  alone,  by  out- 
siders, to  progress  both  in  the  arts  of  peace  and 
in  the  arts  of  war,  and  to  grow  in  wealth  and 
power. 

Manifestly,  the  new  economic  changes  which 
we  may  count  upon  with  absolute  confidence  will 
be  such  as  grow  out  of  the  construction  of  rail- 
roads, the  opening  of  mines,  and  the  erection  of 
furnaces,  rolling  mills,  factories  and  shipyards, 
and  generally  the  better  employment  of  labor; 
wages  will  rise,  the  scale  of  living  and  expenditure 
will  improve,  which  in  turn  will  create  a demand 
for  better  food,  better  clothing,  better  furniture 
and  better  houses.  When  the  extent  of  the  coun- 
try and  the  almost  infinite  number  of  the  people 
are  considered,  together  with  the  enormous 
amount  of  work  to  be  done  in  order  to  bring  them 
abreast  of  even  the  poorest  people  of  Europe  and 
America  in  respect  to  the  facilities  and  comforts 
of  civilized  life  and  to  the  means  of  national 
defence,  it  will  be  apparent  that  they  will  not  only 
have  all  they  can  do  at  home  for  the  next  half- 
century  at  least,  and  possibly  even  for  the  entire 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  245 


century  or  longer,  but  also  will  be  compelled  to 
borrow  heavily  and  to  buy  largely  from  foreign 
nations  of  the  things  which  they  cannot  yet  nor 
soon  produce.  Of  course  if  they  buy  they  will 
have  to  pay,  which  they  can  do  only  in  the 
precious  metals,  and  in  the  products  which  now 
constitute  their  principal  articles  of  commerce. 

The  isolation  and  conservatism  of  the  Chinese 
had  their  counterpart  with  the  Japanese,  the  his- 
tory of  whose  extraordinary  progress  is  now  fully 
known  to  the  world,  and  need  not  be  dwelt  upon 
here.  While  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  the  circum- 
stances which  surrounded  Japan  were  different 
from  those  which  surround  China,  it  may  be 
fairly  claimed  that  the  difference  was  one  of 
extent  rather  than  of  character.  The  awakening 
must  come  and  progress  must  follow  in  one  case 
as  surely  as  it  did  in  the  other;  but  inasmuch  as 
the  area  of  the  Chinese  Empire  is  twenty-five 
times  as  great,  and  its  population  probably  ten 
times  that  of  the  Japanese  dominions,  the  aggre- 
gate contributions  of  the  former  to  the  progressive 
forces  and  movements  of  the  age,  when  once  fully 
developed,  must  be  many  times  greater  than  any 
that  have  ever  yet  made  themselves  felt  in  the 
Asiatic  world.  Hence  it  will  be  perceived  that 
the  territorial  possessions  and  commercial  prizes 
to  be  struggled  for  by  the  great  Powers  are  of 


246 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


supreme  value,  and  well  calculated  not  only  to 
arouse  their  cupidity  and  stimulate  their  enter- 
prise, but  to  dull  their  consciences  as  well. 

When  it  is  remembered  that  British  and  Rus- 
sian conquest  in  Asia  has  already  resulted  in  the 
division  of  all  of  that  continent,  except  Turkey  in 
the  West,  and  China  in  the  East,  between  the 
conquerors;  that  France  has  helped  herself  to 
Tonquin,  Cochin  China  and  part  of  Siam,  and  is 
now  seeking  to  further  extend  both  her  absolute 
sway  and  commercial  influence;  that  Germany 
has,  under  a flimsy  pretext,  seized  Kiao  Chou 
Bay  and  forced  the  Chinese  Government  to  give 
her  a long  “ lease  of  sovereignty”  on  the  mainland 
and  adjacent  waters;  that  the  Chinese  buffer 
states  and  outlying  dependencies  of  vast  extent 
have  been  seized  one  after  another,  and  above  all 
that  no  conquered  territory  anywhere  in  Asia, 
except  that  which  was  held  for  a while  by  Russia 
about  Kuldja  in  the  far  northwest  of  Chinese 
Tartary,  has  been  relinquished  to  its  rightful 
owner  by  any  European  power  during  this  cen- 
tury, the  Chinese  Boards  and  ministers  may  well 
feel  profoundly  alarmed  at  the  “ glaring  beasts” 
which  now  seem  to  threaten  their  country  with 
dismemberment  and  destruction. 

It  is  true  that  their  government  is  a govern- 
ment of  conquest  and  corruption,  the  history  of 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  247 


which  is  for  the  most  part  the  history  of  violence, 
intrigue  and  anarchy,  with  only  here  and  there 
a great  ruler  to  stay  the  hand  of  plunder  and  to 
save  the  country  from  absolute  ruin.  The  reign- 
ing dynasty  is  effete  and  incompetent,  the  boards 
of  government  are  cumbersome  and  inefficient 
and  the  leading  men  generally  weak  or  powerless. 
But  these  are  misfortunes  inherited  from  a past 
age.  They  call  for  reform  and  regeneration, 
which  may  be  had  with  the  assistance  and  advice 
of  foreign  nations  rather  than  by  spoliation  and 
dismemberment. 

And  yet  it  must  not  be  forgotten  that  China 
has  made  substantial  progress  for  the  last  fifty 
years,  especially  since  the  capture  of  the  Taku 
forts  and  Peking  by  the  allied  French  and  British 
armies  in  1861,  and  the  termination  of  the 
Taiping  rebellion  in  1863.  The  most  potential 
influence  in  this  movement  has  been  the  deter- 
mination of  the  Powers  to  open  China  to  the  trade 
of  the  world,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  in  enforc- 
ing this  determination  they  have  never  hesitated 
to  invoke  all  the  resources  of  war  as  well  as  those 
of  diplomacy.  Up  to  1834  the  English,  through 
the  East  India  Company,  had  a virtual  monopoly 
of  the  China  trade,  and  the  individual  merchant, 
no  matter  what  was  his  nationality,  had  but  a 
poor  chance.  Trade  was  at  first  closely  supervised 


248 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


by  government  and  Company  agents,  but  gradu- 
ally outgrew  their  control.  Outside  merchants, 
especially  Americans,  forced  their  way  into  it, 
and  this  made  trouble,  which  was  followed  by 
treaties  and  trade  regulations.  The  English 
insisted  upon  having  better  facilities,  and  upon 
trading  where  they  pleased,  freely  and  without 
annoying  restrictions,  and  especially  upon  the 
right  to  engage  in  the  introduction  and  sale  of 
opium,  to  the  great  injury,  as  the  Chinese  officials 
believed,  of  those  who  consumed  it.  The  Chinese 
authorities  resisted,  and  this  led  to  the  Opium 
War,  followed  soon  after  by  the  “ Lorcha”  War, 
in  both  of  which  they  suffered  great  loss,  humilia- 
tion and  defeat,  and  were  finally  compelled  not 
only  to  legalize  the  opium  trade,  and  pay  their 
assailants  a heavy  subsidy  in  money,  but  in  addi- 
tion to  limit  themselves  to  the  collection  of  an 
ad  valorem  duty  of  only  five  per  cent,  in  silver 
on  all  goods  imported  from  foreign  countries. 
A few  years  later  the  allied  French  and  English 
forces  captured  the  Taku  forts,  and  marched  by 
Tien  Tsin  and  Tungchow  to  the  imperial  capital, 
drove  the  Court  across  the  borders,  looted  and 
destroyed  the  Summer  Palace,  levied  tribute 
sufficient  to  pay  the  entire  expenses  of  the  war, 
and  again  showed  the  helpless  Chinese  that  it 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  249 


was  impossible  for  them  to  stand  up  against  the 
“ Foreign  Devils.” 

During  all  these  operations  the  diplomatic 
representatives  of  the  United  States,  although 
always  claiming  their  right  under  the  doctrine  of 
co-operation  to  share  in  the  concessions  made 
to  their  colleagues,  maintained  an  attitude  of 
neutrality,  or  sought  by  an  independent  show  of 
friendship  to  gain  some  special  advantages  for 
our  own  country,  while  our  naval  commander 
looked  on  with  complacency,  till  overcome  by  the 
thought  that  “ Blood  is  thicker  than  water,”  when 
he  set  to  work  to  rescue  the  British  sailors,  whose 
boats  had  been  sunk  by  Chinese  shot.  It  must 
be  confessed  that  the  conduct  of  our  representa- 
tives throughout  that  period  was  rather  that  of 
the  jackal  than  of  the  lion,  and  must  have  been 
extremely  puzzling  to  the  Chinese  officials. 

But  when  it  comes  to  the  action  of  individuals, 
the  story  is  much  more  creditable  to  Americans. 
Our  missionaries,  after  the  earlier  Jesuits,  were 
almost  the  first  in  that  wide  field.  They  were 
generally  men  of  great  piety  and  learning,  like 
Morrison,  Brown,  Martin  and  Williams,  and  did 
all  in  their  power  as  genuine  men  of  God  to  show 
the  heathen  that  the  stranger  was  not  necessarily 
a public  enemy,  but  might  be  an  evangel  of  a 


250  THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 

higher  and  better  civilization.  These  men  and 
their  co-laborers  have  established  hospitals, 
schools  and  colleges  in  various  cities  and  prov- 
inces of  the  Empire,  which  are  everywhere  recog- 
nized by  intelligent  Chinamen  as  centres  of 
unmitigated  blessing  to  the  people.  Millions  of 
dollars  have  been  spent  in  this  beneficent  work, 
and  the  result  is  slowly  but  surely  spreading  the 
conviction  that  foreign  arts  and  sciences  are 
superior  to  “ fung  shuey”  and  native  supersti- 
tion. 

fl-  So,  too,  the  Americans  have  been  leaders  in 
commerce,  and  in  fair  and  honest  dealing  with 
the  Chinese.  One  of  the  oldest  and  most  suc- 
cessful foreign  houses  ever  founded  in  China  was 
that  of  Russell  & Company,  which  planted  agen- 
cies in  all  the  chief  maritime  cities,  established 
steamboat  lines  on  the  principal  rivers,  and  for 
nearly  three-quarters  of  a century  was  known 
throughout  the  world  for  its  enterprise  and  its 
widespread  commercial  transactions.  Many 
other  American  houses  of  the  highest  character 
and  scarcely  less  distinction  have  been  planted  in 
the  open  cities  from  Canton  to  Newchwang, 
until  now  it  may  be  said  that  American  products 
and  manufactured  goods  are  known  throughout 
the  Empire  for  their  excellent  quality,  and  that 
the  value  and  extent  of  the  commerce  controlled 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA. 


251 


by  Americans  are  second  only  to  that  of  Great 
Britain. 

Americans  have  exerted  extraordinary  influ- 
ence in  another  field,  and  at  a time  of  vital  im- 
portance to  the  reigning  dynasty  and  its  govern- 
ment. The  Taiping  rebellion,  which  ended  in 
1863,  after  incredible  damage  and  devastation, 
was  started  and  carried  forward  against  the  Man- 
chus  upon  the  idea  of  “ China  for  the  Chinese.” 
It  was  based  upon  a sort  of  Mormon  Christian- 
ity, and  seemed  in  a fair  way  of  overrunning  the 
entire  country  till  it  was  met  by  “ the  ever  vic- 
torious army,”  organized  and  commanded  by  an 
American  sailor  named  Ward.  According  to  all 
disinterested  accounts,  this  extraordinary  man 
displayed  genius  and  power  of  the  highest  order. 
Operating  under  the  sanction  of  the  Chinese 
Generalissimo,  Li  Hung  Chang,  he  gathered  a 
force  of  Chinamen,  not  exceeding  five  thousand 
in  all,  whom  he  armed  with  foreign  rifles,  placed 
under  foreign  officers,  and  led  in  person  against 
the  rebels  for  two  years  of  unbroken  victory. 
Death  alone  at  the  head  of  his  command  put  an 
end  to  his  career.  He  was  succeeded  in  turn  by 
Burgevine,  Forrester,  and  Gordon,  two  Ameri- 
cans and  one  Englishman,  but  neither  of  them 
changed  the  organization  nor  added  to  its  invin- 
cible efficiency.  Gordon,  who  finally  laid  down 


252  THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 

his  life  for  Great  Britain  at  Khartoum,  it  is  true, 
rendered  valuable  services;  but  he  was  an  erratic 
and  uncertain  man,  and  it  is  now  generally  ad- 
mitted that  had  it  not  been  for  the  work  of  Ward 
the  rebellion  would  have  been  successful  and  the 
Manchu  dynasty  would  have  been  expelled.  The 
Chinese  recognize  the  extraordinary  character 
and  influence  of  Ward’s  services  at  this  critical 
epoch  by  the  posthumous  honors  bestowed  upon 
his  memory,  and  by  the  stories  of  his  courageous 
deeds  which  have  spread  broadcast  among  the 
people  to  the  remotest  corners  of  the  Empire. 

It  was  the  good  fortune  of  another  American 
to  point  out  the  defenseless  condition  of  China, 
her  lack  of  an  adequate  army,  the  absence  of  a 
general  staff  and  of  a system  of  military  transport 
and  administration  nearly  ten  years  before  the 
Japanese  invasion  which  ended  in  the  utter  hu- 
miliation of  the  Empire  and  has  become  the 
fruitful  source  of  all  the  foreign  troubles  which 
now  encompass  it.  How  much  greater  the 
humiliation,  and  how  much  heavier  the  indem- 
nity would  have  been  but  for  the  sagacious  coun- 
sel of  a distinguished  American  statesman  whom 
the  Chinese  had  called  in  to  assist  them  in  their 
negotiations  for  peace  must  remain  for  the  pres- 
ent a matter  of  conjecture,  although  it  is  certain 
that  the  Japanese  greatly  moderated  their  de- 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  253 


mands  in  both  money  and  territorial  concessions 
after  their  terms  were  first  submitted. 

Other  Americans  in  private  life,  as  well  as  our 
able  minister,  charge  d’affaires,  and  consuls  in 
China,  have  done  much  for  the  last  twelve  years, 
each  in  his  proper  sphere,  to  extend  and 
strengthen  the  influence  of  the  American  name, 
till  now  it  is  safe  to  say  that  no  power  on  earth 
stands  so  well  or,  independent  of  force,  is  so 
highly  respected  by  the  Chinese.  In  their  aspira- 
tions for  better  government,  and  in  their  desire 
for  railroads  and  the  other  appliances  of  a better 
civilization,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that 
but  for  the  intrigues  and  jealousies  of  the  Brit- 
ish, French,  German  and  Russian  diplomatists, 
promoters  and  agents  for  the  last  decade,  and 
especially  since  the  close  of  the  war  with  Japan, 
Americans  would  have  been  selected  as  experts 
to  conduct  and  advise  in  all  public  works,  and  to 
furnish  locomotives,  rails,  cars,  machinery  and 
all  sorts  of  supplies.  No  one  knows  better  than 
the  Chinese  officials  that  the  United  States  has 
no  desire  to  despoil  their  country  of  its  territorial 
possessions,  nor  to  limit  the  sovereignty  and  in- 
dependence of  the  Chinese  Government  in  any 
direction.  But,  unfortunately,  the  Chinese  are 
like  the  rest  of  mankind,  prone  to  withhold 
favors  from  their  friends  in  order  to  placate  the 


254 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


enemies  against  whom  they  cannot  defend  them- 
selves. 

It  has  been  suggested  that  perhaps  the  great 
Powers  have  no  intention  of  further  dismember- 
ing the  Chinese  Empire,  or  of  permanently  oc- 
cupying its  territory  and  seaports,  and  this  may 
be  true.  Nobody  not  in  their  confidence  can  be 
certain  as  to  what  may  be  their  real  policy  and 
intentions,  but  it  is  an  indisputable  fact  that  so 
far  no  European  Power  which  has  ever  gained  a 
footing  in  China  has  permanently  or  voluntarily 
relinquished  it.  It  is  certainly  fair,  therefore,  to 
assume  that  they  intend  to  hold  on  to  what  they 
have  taken,  and  even  to  take  more,  as  oppor- 
tunity offers.  Russia  cannot  well  help  herself, 
for  it  seems  to  be  the  fate  of  a higher  civilization 
and  a stronger  government  to  encroach  upon  a 
lower  civilization  and  a weaker  government 
whenever  they  come  in  close  contact  or  have  co- 
terminous boundaries.  Great  Britain  asserts  au- 
thoritatively that  she  has  no  purpose  of  occupy- 
ing Chinese  territory  or  Chinese  seaports,  but 
that  she  intends  merely  to  see  that  others  do  not, 
and  that  whatever  privileges  or  extensions  one 
Power  obtains  shall  be  for  the  equal  benefit  of 
all.  This  is  altruism  on  an  imperial  scale,  and  it 
must  be  confessed  that  of  later  years  she  has  been 
fairly  true  to  her  free-trade  principles,  even  in 


Reproduced  from  Harper's  Weekly 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  255 


Asia,  in  her  policy  concerning  ordinary  com- 
merce. But  surely  the  United  States  would  make 
a serious  mistake  if  they  should  trust  Great  Brit- 
ain or  any  other  Power  to  give  their  citizens  a 
fair  or  even  chance  at  any  great  business,  such  as 
assisting  in  the  reorganization  of  government,  or 
as  contracting  for  railroads  or  for  any  other  pub- 
lic works  or  supplies  within  the  limits  of  con- 
quered or  annexed  territory. 

But  on  the  general  proposition  as  laid  down 
by  Mr.  Balfour  in  his  late  Manchester  speech, 
and  later  by  Sir  Michael  Hicks-Beach,  it  is  not  to 
be  denied  that  our  interests  are  with  our  ancient 
antagonist,  England,  and  for  the  first  time 
against  those  of  our  ancient  allies,  France  and 
Russia.  How  far  we  should  go  in  an  independent 
effort,  or  by  open  co-operation,  or  by  an  alliance 
expressed  or  implied,  for  safeguarding  or  ex- 
tending these  interests,  is  a matter  for  careful 
consideration. 

As  for  France,  her  policy  can  hardly  be  in 
doubt.  As  before  stated,  she  has  seized  and  now 
holds  the  whole  of  Cochin  China,  Tonquin, 
Anam,  and  a great  part  of  Siam,  and  is  credited 
with  the  purpose  of  raising  her  flag  over  Hainan 
at  the  first  opportunity,  and  all  this  has  been 
without  a shadow  of  honest  title.  So  far,  her 
acts  are  simply  acts  of  spoliation.  Her  statesmen 


256 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


and  public  journals  make  no  disguise  of  their 
purpose  to  participate  in  what  they  euphemis- 
tically call  the  exploitation  of  China,  and  if  a 
writer  in  a late  number  of  the  Revue  de  Deux 
Mondes  can  be  credited  with  speaking  the  national 
sentiment,  they  will  seek  to  draw  their  alliance 
closer  with  Russia  for  that  purpose.  The  danger 
is  that  with  the  latter  dominating  at  Peking  and 
pressing  forward  from  the  north,  the  Japanese 
on  the  eastern  coast  and  France  in  the  south, 
each  eager  to  get  a share  of  the  spoils,  and  each 
distrusting  the  other,  Great  Britain,  in  spite  of 
her  benevolent  declarations,  may  be  compelled 
to  abandon  her  good  intentions  and  advance 
both  from  the  frontier  of  Burmah  in  the  west 
and  from  her  base  at  Hong-Kong  in  the  south- 
east to  protect  her  vast  commercial  interests  as 
well  as  to  restrain  the  rapacity  of  rivals. 

Notwithstanding  the  seizure  of  Kiao  Chou 
Bay,  the  declarations  of  the  Emperor  in  his  speech 
at  Kiel,  the  despatch  of  Prince  Henry  with  rein- 
forcements, and  the  later  intelligence  that  the 
Chinese  have  conceded  a lease  of  sovereignty 
over  the  bay  and  adjoining  district,  it  is  hardly 
possible  that  Germany  is  to  be  considered  as  a 
serious  factor  in  the  Chinese  question.  It  is  true 
that  she  is  credited  with  having  actively  co-op- 
erated with  Russia  and  France  in  breaking  the 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA. 


257 


victorious  grasp  of  the  Japanese  after  the  close  of 
the  late  war,  and  that  she  has  not,  up  to  a late 
date,  received  any  adequate  reward  for  her  ser- 
vices. It  is  also  true  that  she  has  been  most  ac- 
tive for  some  years  in  pushing  her  commercial 
interests  in  both  Japan  and  China,  but  inasmuch 
as  she  has  no  colonial  dependencies  anywhere  in 
the  Far  East,  and  cannot  yet  be  reckoned  as  a 
first-class  naval  power,  it  is  difficult  to  perceive 
how  she  can  hope  to  play  any  great  part  either 
in  the  regeneration  of  China  or  in  her  dismem- 
berment, if  unhappily  that  should  be  her  fate.  In 
considering  Germany’s  part  in  the  game,  it  may 
help  to  understand  her  position  if  it  is  remem- 
bered that  after  the  close  of  the  Franco-Prussian 
war  she  succeeded  in  getting  a call  to  assist  in 
organizing  military  schools  and  in  drilling  the 
Chinese  troops  for  the  Viceroy  Li  Hung  Chang; 
but  the  utter  rout  of  the  Chinese  forces  and  the 
collapse  of  the  Chinese  military  administration, 
in  the  effort  to  resist  the  Japanese  invasion,  was 
a great  setback  to  German  pretensions,  and  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Chinese  an  absolute  “ loss  of  face” 
to  them. 

If  it  should  turn  out,  however,  that  there  is  to 
be  no  further  dismemberment  of  China,  and  no 
concert  of  the  Powers  for  that  purpose,  but 
merely  a general  scramble  for  influence,  contracts 


258 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


and  trade,  the  base  at  Kiao  Chou  may  serve  the 
Germans  a useful  purpose,  especially  after  it  is 
connected  with  Peking  and  the  other  interior 
cities  by  rail.  For  the  present  it  is  badly  situated 
for  anything  but  a naval  depot  and  rendezvous. 

In  considering  the  Far  Eastern  question  great 
embarrassment  has  been  met  with  for  lack  of 
exact  information  as  to  the  real  purposes  of  the 
Powers.  Collectively  it  is  nearly  certain  that  they 
have  entered  into  no  agreement  and  have  no 
concerted  policy  for  dismemberment  or  spolia- 
tion. It  is  known  that  Japan  was  permitted  to 
go  into  the  war  with  China  without  allies.  The 
Powers,  one  and  all,  kept  their  hands  off  both 
belligerents.  The  United  States  alone  tried  to 
keep  the  peace,  to  protect  Japanese  subjects 
in  China,  and  as  opportunity  offered  to  act  as  an 
intermediary  after  war  had  begun.  When  it 
was  over  and  the  terms  of  peace  were  agreed 
upon,  Russia,  supported  by  France  and  Ger- 
many, intervened  to  limit  the  Japanese  occupa- 
tion and  finally  to  assist  China  in  raising  the 
money  with  which  to  pay  the  first  instalment  of 
the  war  indemnity,  after  Great  Britain  had  been 
asked  and  declined  to  do  it.  But  here  all  cer- 
tainty ceases.  There  have  been  rumors  from 
time  to  time,  more  or  less  circumstantial,  of 
understandings  between  Russia  and  Japan,  Rus- 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  ' 259 


sia  and  France,  and  last  between  Great  Britain 
and  Japan.  And,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  it  has 
even  been  reported  that  Lord  Salisbury  has  in- 
structed the  British  Ambassador  to  sound  the 
government  at  Washington  as  to  the  feasibility 
of  a mutual  understanding  for  the  maintenance 
of  China’s  autonomy.  Finally,  it  is  reported  that 
the  money  for  the  last  instalment  of  the  Japanese 
war  indemnity  has  been  offered  by  the  British 
Government  as  the  best  means  of  restoring  her 
lost  prestige  and  strengthening  the  Chinese  Gov- 
ernment, that  this  has  brought  the  Russian  Gov- 
ernment forward  with  new  offers  of  assistance, 
and  that  the  government  at  Peking  is  again  re- 
sorting to  the  old  game  of  playing  one  European 
Power  against  the  other. 

If  all  this  proves  but  little  as  to  the  real  plans 
and  purposes  of  the  Powers,  it  makes  it  certain 
that  the  Far  Eastern  question  has  reached  an 
acute  stage,  full  of  danger  for  China  as  well  as 
for  all  who  really  desire  to  see  her  saved  from 
destruction  and  made  strong  enough  to  main- 
tain her  right  of  national  existence  against  the 
world. 

In  any  aspect  of  the  case  the  interest  of  the 
United  States  in  it  cannot  be  regarded  with  in- 
difference. Being,  as  they  are,  China’s  nearest 
neighbor  across  the  sea,  and  the  only  one  of  the 


26o 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


great  Powers  which  has  absolutely  no  plans  hos- 
tile to  the  peace,  integrity  and  general  welfare  of 
the  Chinese  people,  they  must  look  with  the  deep- 
est apprehension  upon  the  events  taking  place 
in  that  quarter.  They  cannot  afford  to  be  mis- 
taken as  to  the  plans  of  the  other  Powers,  nor  to 
depend  upon  even  the  most  benevolent  of  them 
for  their  proper  share  of  the  commerce  now  in 
existence,  and  which  is  sure  to  increase  rapidly 
hereafter  if  China  is  permitted  to  work  out  her 
own  salvation  with  her  possessions  intact  and  her 
autonomy  unimpaired. 

In  considering  the  question  of  duty  to  our 
neighbors,  and  to  our  own  great  interests,  it  may 
be  fairly  assumed  that  the  government  at  Wash- 
ington will  not  forget  that  our  territory  not  only 
abuts  upon  the  sea  abreast  of  China  for  two 
thousand  miles,  and  almost  encloses  the  whole  of 
the  North  Pacific  in  the  wide  sweep  of  its  shores 
and  islands,  but  that  our  people,  having  prac- 
tically occupied  the  whole  of  their  own  vacant 
land,  and  exploited  all  its  resources  except 
those  of  its  forests  and  mines,  must  necessarily 
turn  their  attention  more  and  more  to  the  com- 
merce of  the  Pacific  islands  and  of  the  countries 
beyond.  To  this  end  the  annexation  of  Hawaii, 
which  is  freely  offered  to  us  as  a naval  station 
and  a half-way  house,  would  seem  to  be  fully 


AMERICA’S  INTERESTS  IN  CHINA.  261 


justified.  When  it  is  remembered  in  addition 
that  the  extraordinary  resources  of  the  country 
tributary  to  Puget  Sound  and  Columbia  River  in 
timber,  and  to  Portland  and  San  Francisco  in 
wheat  and  fruits,  are  sure  to  make  those  regions 
and  their  seaports  the  seat  and  centre  of  a great 
and  ever-increasing  commerce  with  the  trans- 
pacific countries,  the  importance  of  maintaining 
unbroken  relations  and  extending  our  commerce 
with  the  latter  can  hardly  be  exaggerated.  It  is 
not  to  be  denied  that  the  American  people  have 
many  questions  of  national  and  international  im- 
portance to  consider,  and  that  hitherto  scarcely  a 
doubt  has  arisen  as  to  the  wisdom  of  confining 
their  diplomacy  to  the  cultivation  of  peaceful  re- 
lations with  all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with 
none;  but  it  is  conceivable  that  circumstances 
may  arise  even  in  Asia,  and  a time  may  come 
when  it  will  be  the  duty  of  our  government  not 
only  to  exert  its  own  powers  to  their  utmost,  but, 
if  need  be,  to  accept  even  the  co-operation  of 
Great  Britain  if  it  can  be  obtained  on  proper 
terms,  for  the  maintenance  of  our  common  in- 
terests beyond  the  Pacific. 

James  Harrison  Wilson. 


THE  AMERICAN  POLICY  IN  CHINA. 


THE  AMERICAN  POLICY  IN  CHINA. 


When  Mr.  Choate  wrote  to  Lord  Salisbury  to 
ask  British  concurrence  in  a proposed  line  of 
policy  in  China,  he  stated  that : 

“ The  President  has  strong  reason  to  believe  that  the 
governments  of  both  Russia  and  Germany  will  co-operate 
in  such  an  understanding  as  is  here  proposed.” 

It  is  not  quite  clear  what  that  understanding 
was.  The  passage  of  the  despatch  which  imme- 
diately preceded  that  which  I have  quoted  began 
with  a most  important  statement  as  to  American 
policy  in  China.  This  was  followed  by  an  ex- 
pression of  a desire  for  support  in  the  effort  to 
obtain,  from  each  of  the  Powers  claiming  spheres 
of  influence,  a declaration  in  favor  of  an  inter- 
national policy  of  the  “ open  door,”  as  contrasted 
with  a selfish  policy  of  preference  for  “ nationals” 
— that  is,  subjects  or  citizens.  At  the  moment  of 
writing  I have  not  seen  the  actual  text  of  the 
Russian  and  German  replies.  I hear  from  those 


266 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


who  have  read  them  that  the  German  answer  is 
satisfactory  but  general,  and  the  Russian 
guarded  and  far  from  clear.  What  I do  not 
know  is  how  far  any  of  the  Powers  have  re- 
sponded to  what  appears  to  me  to  be  the  gist  of 
the  American  despatch,  instead  of  confining  their 
reply  to  the  proposed  declaration  as  to  the 
“ open  door.” 

A more  pregnant  but  less  obvious  portion  of 
the  American  policy  revealed  in  the  despatches 
which  began  to  be  written  in  September  lies  in 
the  expressed  hesitation  of  the  government  of  the 
United  States  to  “ recognize”  “ the  exclusive 
rights”  of  any  Power  within  any  part  of  the  Chi- 
nese Empire,  and  its  acceptance,  as  the  policy 
ultimately  in  view  and  now  to  be  “ hastened,”  of 
“ united  action  of  the  Powers  at  Peking  to  pro- 
mote administrative  reforms,  so  greatly  needed 
for  strengthening  the  Imperial  Government  and 
maintaining  the  integrity  of  China  in  which  it” 
(“  my  government”)  “ believes  the  whole  West- 
ern world  is  alike  concerned.” 

This  is  a far  more  important  pronouncement 
than  anything  which  merely  concerns  the  “ open 
door.”  It  has  attracted  less  attention  than  the 
proposed  declarations  of  disinterestedness.  It  is 
not,  however,  novel  as  an  expression  of  policy  by 
distinguished  Americans,  though  it  has  never 


THE  AMERICAN  POLICY  IN  CHINA.  267 


previously  been  so  frankly  adopted  as  a national 
policy  by  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State 
and  Ambassadors  of  the  Republic.  In  1867, the 
same  policy  was  proclaimed  by  an  American, 
Mr.  Anson  Burlingame,  at  one  time  a Senator, 
at  another  time  American  Minister  in  China,  and 
ultimately  first  Chinese  Ambassador  to  Europe, 
who  came  to  us  with  a legation  composed  of  rep- 
resentatives of  all  the  Powers,  serving  with  the 
consent  of  their  various  countries.  Mr.  Burling- 
ame’s policy  was  exactly  that  now  adopted  on 
behalf  of  the  United  States.  It  was  preached  by 
him  with  the  leave  of  the  United  States  Govern- 
ment, which  at  one  time  he  represented,  and 
whose  service  he  left  for  that  of  China,  in  which 
he  shortly  died.  The  policy  was  a wise  one  when 
. taught  by  Mr.  Burlingame  in  London  in  1868; 
it  was  premature.  The  question  that  must  now 
be  asked  with  regard  to  it  is  not  whether  it  is 
wise,  for  we  shall  agree  upon  that  score,  but 
whether  the  United  States  “ mean  business” 
about  it,  and  are  prepared  to  push  it  with  their 
great  influence — an  influence  to  which  the  recep- 
tion of  their  despatches  testifies,  if  indeed  testi- 
mony were  needed. 

It  ought  to  be  a portion  of  the  policy,  if  that 
policy  be  seriously  intended,  that  the  United 
States  should  be  strongly  represented  in  China. 


268 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


At  Peking  there  must  be  a Minister  of  high  au- 
thority who  will  take  the  lead  in  pressing  the  en- 
lightened and  trading  views  of  our  governments 
and  of  the  Powers  who  will  concur  with  them, 
and,  on  the  coast,  a commodore  who  will  use  the 
naval  power  of  the  United  States,  in  conjunction 
with  the  British  admiral  on  the  station,  in  sup- 
pressing piracy  and  lawlessness  on  the  West 
River,  the  Yang-tse  and  other  inland  waters 
where  British  trade  and  the  trade  of  the  United 
States  are,  and  in  an  increasing  degree  will  be, 
done.  The  United  States  are  now  showing  their 
power,  as  a manufacturing  and  exporting  nation, 
to  hold  their  own  in  markets  far  more  distant 
from  their  shores  than  those  of  China.  Rivals 
we  must  be  in  trade;  but  we  have,  both  of  us, 
everything  to  gain  by  making  ours  a friendly 
rivalry,  and  by  co-operating  in  maintaining  order 
throughout  China,  and  in  asking,  as  a return,  for 
the  regularization  of  inland  duties  and  for  the 
extension  of  the  Imperial  Customs  system  to 
financial  matters  which  are  at  present  outside  its 
control. 

We  must  recognize  the  fact  that,  although 
other  countries  may  yield  to  the  views  put  for- 
ward by  the  United  States  and  supported  by  our- 
selves, they  are  not  friendly  to  them.  There  was 
a most  interesting  debate  in  the  French  Chamber 


THE  AMERICAN  POLICY  IN  CHINA.  269 


on  the  27th  of  March,  in  which  several  of  the 
leading  speakers  discussed  the  colonial  policy 
of  France  and  Germany,  making  as  it  were  com- 
mon cause  with  Germany  in  the  matter,  and  ex- 
plaining that  it  is  a policy  which  is  intended  to 
enable  Europe  to  face  the  future  development  of 
the  United  States.  The  speakers  pointed  out  (to 
use  the  words  of  M.  Raiberti,  the  Radical  Deputy 
of  Nice)  that  England  has  under  her  sceptre  a 
world;  that  Russia  has  absorbed  all  northern 
Asia;  that,  in  face  of  what  the  British  and  Rus- 
sian Powers  and  the  United  States  already  are, 
Erance  and  Germany  are  forced  to  establish 
themselves  outside  Europe,  and  “ to  be  extra- 
European  if  they  are  to  live.” 

“ The  old  nations  of  Europe  feel  that  its  worn-out  frame 
has  no  longer  the  strength  to  carry  their  future.  They 
cross  the  frontiers  of  Europe  and  go  to  new  continents  to 
search  for  life.  The  European  Powers  with  limited  popula- 
tion and  territory  are  threatened  with  extinction  or  with 
lapse  into  the  position  of  States  of  the  second  order,  when 
considered  in  comparison  with  such  extraordinary  agglom- 
erations as  the  United  States,  if  they  do  not  themselves 
constitute  outside  of  Europe  their  empires  of  the  future. 
The  only  means  to  create  an  equilibrium  with  the  United 
States  and  with  Greater  Britain  is  to  create  a Greater 
France  and  a Greater  Germany.” 

We  in  the  United  Kingdom  do  not  seek  to  be 
alone  or  to  be  first  in  China  as  a whole,  or  even 


270 


THE  CRISIS  IN  CHINA. 


in  the  Yang-tse  Valley.  Some  English  speakers 
have,  for  party  reasons,  asserted  that  we  have 
obtained  a separate  and  individual  control  of  the 
Yang-tse  Valley,  which  in  fact  has  not  been 
granted  to  us,  and  which  the  majority  of  our 
statesmen  and  of  our  people  do  not  desire.  What 
they  wish  is  that  the  vast  population  of  that  re- 
gion, doing  already  a large  trade  with  foreign 
countries,  and  likely  to  do  a rapidly  increasing 
trade  with  them  in  the  future,  shall  be  accessible 
to  the  enterprise  of  the  world.  We  know  that 
we  shall  have  in  that  territory  the  growing  com- 
petition of  the  United  States  and  that  of  Ger- 
many, possibly  also  that  of  Japan,  but  we  are 
content  to  take  our  chance,  and  are  content  also 
to  let  America,  if  she  chooses,  take  the  lead,  or 
act  equally  with  us,  in  insisting  that  the  future  of 
these  territories  shall  not  be  marred  by  piracy, 
brigandage  and  rapacious  inland  taxation.  The 
aims  of  Russia  in  the  north,  of  Germany  in  one 
Chinese  province  at  least,  and  of  France  in  the 
south,  are  different;  but  the  action  of  the  United 
States,  which  has  virtually  arrested  for  the  mo- 
ment the  selfish  action  on  the  part  of  France  and 
Germany,  will,  if  continued,  be  strong  enough,  in 
conjunction  with  our  own,  to  check  for  good  the 
process  of  disintegration  and  of  division  which 
had  commenced. 


I 


THE  AMERICAN  POLICY  IN  CHINA.  271 

Let  no  American  hater  of  militarism  fear  that 
this  language  points  to  alliance  in  view  of  war. 
The  government  of  the  United  States  is  not 
asked  by  the  British  Government  to  pull  chest- 
nuts out  of  the  fire  for  us,  or  to  offend  Russian 
customers  for  our  benefit.  The  impulse  on  this 
occasion  has  come  from  Washington,  and  our 
Foreign  Office,  though  unable  to  resist  the 
national  feeling  here,  is  not  enthusiastic  about 
the  American  new  departure  which  our  people 
welcome.  In  the  debate  of  the  9th  of  June  last, 
the  Under  Secretary  for  Foreign  Affairs  declared 
that  the  United  States  were  hostile  to  a policy  of 
concert  of  the  Powers  at  Peking  in  favor  of  re- 
form. We  have  advanced  since  that  day,  for  the 
policy  which  Mr.  Broderick  told  us  was  repu- 
diated is  now  avowed  as  the  aim  of  the  Republic. 
Resolutely  keep  the  lead  in  the  policy  of  reform; 
give  an  earnest  of  your  desire  for  co-operation  by 
offering  to  assist  in  the  complete  opening  of  the 
rivers  to  the  trade  of  the  world,  and  rest  assured 
that,  with  less  risk  to  peace  than  a policy  of  ab- 
stention involves,  American  action  will  be 
crowned  with  a full  measure  of  success. 

Charles  W.  Dilke. 


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